JIIA
Journal of Intercultural and Interdisciplinary Archaeology
N° 01/2014
Editor: Dr. Antonella D’Ascoli
hematic issue: Consumption of perfumed oil
in the ancient Mediterranean and Near East:
funerary rituals and other case studies
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Cover illustration: he lady of the Urkesh ābi. Drawing of anthropomorphic vessel from the ābi
(A12.108) of Claudia Wettstein (IIMAS).
Courtesy of IIMAS-International Institute for Mesopotamian Area Studies.
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Journal of Intercultural and Interdisciplinary Archaeology
Table of Contents
Antonella D’Ascoli
Mediterranean ........................................................................................................................... 7
Laerke Recht
Perfume, women and the underworld in Urkesh exploring female roles
through aromatic substances in the Bronze Age Near East ....................................................... 11
Matteo Vigo
he use of (perfumed) oil in Hittite rituals
with particular emphasis on funerary practices ........................................................................ 25
25
Federica Facchetti, Erika Ribechini, Marilina Betrò, Maria Perla Colombini
Oils and embalming balms from the tombs TT14 and M.I.D.A.N.05
at Dra Abu el-Naga (Luxor-Egypt) .......................................................................................... 39
Özden Ürkmez – Erkan Dündar
Remarks on the Possible Uses of the Perfumed Oils, Ointments, and its Containers
in the Cult of Dead from the fourth century BC to the second century AD:
In the Light of the Necropoleis of Kyme, Colophon, and Patara ............................................ 51
Marco Baldi
Aromatic essences in ancient Nubia: the sacredness
of perfumes and incense in the Meroitic kingdom ................................................................... 73
© 2014
JIIA
Founded by Antonella D’Ascoli in 2003
‘Journal of Intercultural and
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Miri Brumer
he Mystery of Drugs and Perfumed Olive Oil:
‘samim’ and ‘besamim’ in Incense and Holy Anointment Oil ................................................. 89
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Contributors to this volume
Baldi, Marco
University of Pisa – ISMEO
Email: mbaldi83@libero.it
Betrò, Marilina
Dipartimento di Civiltà Forme e Sapere, University of Pisa, Via Galvani 1, 56126 Pisa, Italy
Email: betro@sta.unipi.it
Brumer, Miri
Botanist, Hatter Laboratory for Coastal and Harbour Archaeology, University of Haifa, Israel
Email: Miri.brumer@gmail.com
Colombini, Maria Perla
Dipartimento di Chimica e Chimica Industriale, University of Pisa, Via Risorgimento 35, 56126
Pisa, Italy.
Email: perla@dcci.unipi.it
D’Ascoli, Antonella
Indipendent researcher
Email: ad@ngi.it
Dündar, Erkan
Kahramanmaraş Sütçü İmam University
Email: dundarerkan@gmail.com
Facchetti, Federica
Dipartimento di Civiltà Forme e Sapere, University of Pisa, Via Galvani 1, 56126 Pisa, Italy
Email: federica_facchetti@hotmail.com
Istituto per la Conservazione e Valorizzazione dei Beni Culturali
Via Madonna del Piano 10, 50019 Sesto Fiorentino (FI), Italy
Vigo, Matteo
Marie Curie Fellow
he Danish National Research Foundation’s Centre for Textile Research
SAXO Institute
University of Copenhagen, Denmark
Email: jlg904@hum.ku.dk
Founded by Antonella D’Ascoli in 2003
Ürkmez , Özden
Kahramanmaraş Sütçü İmam University
Email: ozdenurkmez@hotmail.com
© 2014
Ribechini, Erika
Dipartimento di Chimica e Chimica Industriale, University of Pisa, Via Risorgimento 35, 56126 Pisa, Italy
Email: erika.ribechini@unipi.it
‘Journal of Intercultural and
Interdisciplinary A rchaeology’
Recht, Laerke
International Institute for Mesopotamian Area Studies
Email: rechtl@tcd.ie
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Figure.1 Paestum Sequestro Finanza, tomba 2 (ater Pontrandolfo, A., Rouveret, A., 1992. Le tombe dipinte di
Paestum, p.300)
Figure.2 Red igures campanian krater (campanian pottery) (ater Schauenburg, K., 2003. Studien zur unteritalischen Vasenmalerei, Band VI, Abb.III-IV, p.137)
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Mediterranean
Antonella D’Ascoli, Independent researcher
ad@ngi.it
Founded by Antonella D’Ascoli in 2003
© 2014
Pliny the Elder, Naturalis Historia, book 6, chapter 47.
he Mediterranean and the Mediterranean world in the reign of Philip II. 1971.
he emergence of civilisation. 1972.
he corrupting sea: a study of Mediterranean history. 2000.
he making of the Middle Sea: a history of the Mediterranean from the beginning to the emergence of the classical
world. 2013.
6 Fappas, I. 2011. Exchange of Ideas in the Eastern Mediterranean during the 14th and 13th centuries BC: he Case
of Perfumed Oil Use and Ideology. In Duistermaat, K., Regulski, I. (eds), Intercultural Contacts in the Ancient
Mediterranean. Proceedings of the International Conference at the Netherlands-Flemish Institute in Cairo, 25th to
29th October 2008, 495-510
7 Kassian, A., Korolëv, A., Sidel›tsev, A., 2002. Hittite Funerary Ritual: Šalliš Waštaiš. Alter Orient und Altes Testament
288, Ugarit-Verlag.
8 Rutherford, I. 2007. Achilles and the sallis wastais ritual: Performing Death in Greece and Anatolia. In Laneri,
N. (ed.), Performing Death: Social Analyses of Funerary Traditions in the Ancient Near East and Mediterranean (he
Oriental Institute Seminars 3). Chicago, pp.223-236.
9 Cerchiai, L. 2010. Gli antichi popoli della Campania.
10 F. Scotto di Freca, 1999/2000. Una stele funeraria osca da Cuma, Archeologia Classica 51(1); note that the author
interprets the stele diferently.
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he Mediterranean Sea is not just a sea, but a location that has been pivotal to human history
since prehistory. he Romans made it their own1 (mare nostrum), Braudel2 placed it at the centre
of the attention, Renfrew3 considers it the cradle of civilization, Horden and Purcell4 see it as
a dynamic force corrupting everything else, and Broodbank5 thinks of it as a microcosmos.
However it may be perceived or thought, it is a location where people met and clashed producing
a dynamism that has no equals for length and breadth of action. I do not intend to deine the
Mediterranean Sea here, and perhaps it is undeinable given its history. Instead, I wish to centre
my attention on the culture that deined the surrounding people. he material culture records
the immense vitality of Mediterranean peoples. he many diferences, similarities, inluences,
and contacts have produced several phenomena, including hybridism, skeuomorphism, multiple
forms of intercultural exchanges, transcultural phenomena, reciprocity and acculturation. hese
phenomena can be ‘read’ in the material culture, which shows a continuous cultural exchange of
such a richness that I can only deine it as ‘Mediterranean’.
It is not possible to understand a single Mediterranean culture without contextualising it, whichever
this culture may be, with many other cultures that in time and space have interacted with it eventually
producing that culture. he amazing cultural richness of the Mediterranean has also permeated the
people of lands increasingly farther from the sea, making of Europe the critical continent for the
development of humanity even if the smallest and not necessarily the easiest to colonize.
he topic of this issue 01/2014 was born while reading the paper by Ioannis Fappas entitled ‘he
case of perfumed oil use and ideology’ in Intercultural Contacts in the Ancient Mediterranean’6 in
which the author analyses the consumption of perfumed oil in passage rites, and among these, also
the ritual of puriication of the deceased’s bones in the Hittite kingdom7 (fourteen-day funerary
ritual) and in Ugarit. In spite of the obvious chronological and ritual diferences, I think that this
practice or at least elements of this ritual (Šalliš Waštaiš)8 could be signiicant beyond the Hittite
kingdom, both chronologically and spatially. his idea reminded me of ancient Italy, where the
warring aristocracies of Tyrrhenian Etruria, Capua, Pontecagnano, and Cumae used to place the
burnt bones of the deceased wrapped in linens inside a bronze cauldron during the Iron Age and
the Orientalizing period. his ritual was also known in the Euboean world and interpreted by
many scholars as a ritual connected to heroes with links to Homer’s poems9.
he presence of an Oscan inscription in the tufa stele of a burial10 (from Cuma, National
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Archaeological Museum of Naples, Epigraphic section) representing the bottle-shaped idol with
sun-disc on top recalls the iconography of Tanit, Phoenician-Punic divinity. he Phoenician
iconography mixed with Oscan language may be an example of peaceful coexistence, religious
freedom and intercultural exchanges between separate cultural identities.
A boxed tomb slab in tufa from Paestum11, in the Lucan region, with a representation of prothesis
(ig.1), shows the deceased with an alabastron in her hand. he iconography is typically PhoenicioPunic. he perfume lask held in the left hand, contains substances used in passage rituals to purify
the body through perfumed oils. he container represents an idol, or at least it is a pass to the
netherworld.
Another representation of prothesis, on the red-igure crater (Campanian red-igure pottery), shows
the deceased with an alabastron in her hand 12 (ig. 2).
I want to mention here two classes of materials that are good examples of the concept of
‘Mediterranean’ culture in my opinion, before the authors each present their own examples.
Diferent Mediterranean artefacts frequently tell us the same story that we often want to make
unique emphasising this or that material or aspect that is particularly signiicant to us.
he perfume lasks containing perfumed oils, remedies, and spices, are manufactured in series
in a few locations but they are then exported wherever possible. In a Hellenistic perfume lask
(balsamarium) from S.Maria Capua Vetere13 (Caserta, Italy), the wick has been manufactured using
both camel and sheep wool. his is the case of an artefact where diferent cultural traditions merge
in the production centres only to be then difused to broader areas.
he second class of artefacts that demonstrate to me the mesh of Mediterranean cultures is a
particular colum (a strainer often found in symposium-related assemblages), with wavy handle (or
‘wavy stick’ handle), with two or three narrowings of the handle14, full section, sometimes with
ribboned handle, and ring to facilitate hooking, and almost spherical ilter (ig. 3). his typology is
widespread in the Mediterranean region between the end of the 6th and the whole 5th century BC
(especially in tombs and votive deposits15). he handle can be highly variable in shape, including
handles representing birds.
his artefact is usually considered the product of Etruscan metallurgy16. Some metal and ceramic
artefacts from the Levant and ancient Near East, dated earlier, are very similar, especially in the shape
11 Pontrandolfo, A., Rouveret, A., 1992. Le tombe dipinte di Paestum, pp.300, 402
12 Schauenburg, K., 2003. Studien zur unteritalischen Vasenmalerei, Band VI, Abb.87 a-c III-V, p.33, 137, Verlag
Ludwig.
13 Sampaolo, V. et alii, 1996. Analisi sul contenuto di un balsamario proveniente da Capua, Bollettino di Archeologia
del Ministero per i Beni Culturali e Ambientali, pp.161-164.
Sirano, F. 2013. Le rose di Capua. Per l’archeologia del profumo campano dal III secolo a.C.. In Rosantico natura,
bellezza, gusto, profumi. Tra Paestum, Padula e Velia, pp.69-75
14 Preliminary typological division in: St. Verger, Une passoire en bronze de Puoilly sur-Saone (Cote-d’Or), in RAE
43, 1, 1992, pp. 379-385; G. Caramella’s classiication of Tarquinian strainers (Bini-Caramella-Buccioli 1995, pp.
75-78), note especially type A, with round ilter and handle shaped as wavy stick. his type is absent in Kent Hill’s
study: D.Kent Hill, Wine Ladles and Strainers from Ancient Times, in he Journal of the Walters Art Gallery 5,
1942, pp. 41-56.
15 Some examples: Cyprus; Milano (Museo Archeologico INV.443); Como (Ca’ Morta Tomba IV/1926, Golasecca
culture, 480-440 BC, see: scheda SIRBeC Lombardia Beni Culturali), Bologna (Certosa, tomb 52, Museo Civico);
Bologna (Collez. Brunelli); Chiusi (Museo Civico); Vulci (from Tomb 47 del ‘Guerriero’, dated between 520 and
510, at the Museo di Villa Giulia, inv. 63562), part of an assemblage for symposium, includes objects in metal
and bronze: Civiltà degli etruschi, Milano 1985, 9.8, 11.21 n.7, pp.248, 300-301); Anagnia; Campovalano (dalla
Tomba 1 al Museo Archeologico di Chieti n.inv.5184, with three narrowings of handle: see Civiltà degli etruschi,
Milano 1985, scheda n.4, p.236 interpreted as Etruscan product exported in Piceno region); Numana (Ancona,
Museo Nazionale); Capua; Pompei; Nuceria; Sorrento; Fratte; Ginosa; Rutigliano; Corsica (Aleria, Tombe 102,
142, 155); Fratte (in diferent variants: excavations 1927, Trincea G, Inv.144a, e dalle tombe: 29/1972, 134/1973);
votive deposit of S.Cecilia in the Ernici land, Anagnia (INV.22824), Pompei and Nuceria (National Archaeological
Museum of Naples, INVV.:77631, 77632); and Adria (together with bronzes probably from Vulci).
16 Grassi, B., Capua Preromana. Vasellame e oggetti in bronzo. Artigiani e committenza, Catalogo del Museo
Provinciale Campano, Volume VIII, pp.71-74, Tav.XVIII, 1-2, Tav.-XIX,1, Roma-Pisa.
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Antonella D’Ascoli, Independent researcher
Figure.3 Wine Strainer, 5th century BC Hammered, Bronze; 6.3 x 26.3 x 12.1 x 0.1 cm (2 1/2 x 10 3/8 x 4 3/4 x 1/16 in.)
Harvard Art Museums/Arthur M. Sackler Museum,Transfer from the Alice Corinne McDaniel Collection,
Department of the Classics, Harvard University, 2012.1.58
Photo: Imaging Department © President and Fellows of Harvard College
Image Number: CARP12520
Accession Number: 2012.1.58
Founded by Antonella D’Ascoli in 2003
© 2014
17 See.: AN884542001/Registration Number:1814,0704.631
18 Ginosa (tomb of Via Vittorio Emanuele 132/1935, with helmets, some Corinthian and some of Italic production,
fragments of armour with parts certainly imported from Greece, lebete probably of Attic production, and several
ceramic shapes); Rutigliano (Purgatorio necropolis tomb 24/1977).
19 Beazley Archive, vase number n.205099 from Chiusi, Florence, Museo Archeologico Etrusco: 3922, attributed
to Douris da Hartwig, datata 500-450 a.C.; Lissarrague, F. Vases Grecs. Les Athéniens et leurs images, Hazan
1999, pagg.32-33, igg.20,21,22; Beazley, J.D., Attic Red-Figure Vase-Painters, 2nd edition (Oxford, 1963):
432.55; Corpus Vasorum Antiquorum: Firenze, Regio Museo Archeologico 3, III.I.9, III.I.10, Pls.(1354,1380)
90.1-3, 116.11; hesaurus Cultus et Rituum Antiquorum: II, Pl.50.GR.187 (A); Lissarrague, F., Greek Vases, he
Athenians and their Images (2001): 30-31, Figs.18-22 (colour of I, A, B and part of A); Lissarrague, F., L’Autre
Guerrier, Archers, Peltastes, Cavaliers dans l’Imagerie Attique (Paris-Rome, 1990): 142, Fig.81 (drawing of A);
Beazley Archive, vase number n.203923 from Vulci al British Museum, attribuito a Brygos P. da Duemmler:
Beazley, J.D., Attic Red-Figure Vase-Painters, 2nd edition (Oxford, 1963): 1574; Beazley, J.D., Attic Red-Figure
Vase-Painters, 2nd edition (Oxford, 1963): 371.24, 1649; Corpus Vasorum Antiquorum: London, British Museum
9, 55-56, Fig.10D, Pls.(834-835) 58;
Beazley Archive, vase number n.205103 from Chiusi, Florence, Museo Archeologico Etrusco: V48, Douris by
Beazley; Beazley, J.D., Attic Red-Figure Vase-Painters, 2nd edition (Oxford, 1963): 432.58; Beazley, J.D.,
Paralipomena (Oxford, 1971): 374;
Beazley Archive, vase number n.202940 stamnos a New York (NY), Brooklyn Museum: 03.8, Copenhagen P by
Beazley; Beazley, J.D., Attic Red-Figure Vase-Painters, 2nd edition (Oxford, 1963): 258.22, 1640.
‘Journal of Intercultural and
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of the ilter and these may be recognised as prototypes. Another class of artefacts chronologically
closer that is comparable is the vase with ilter (black gloss pottery) of which survives one example
now at the British Museum17 that has been identiied as a Greek product.
his type of colum with wavy handle is also found at Ginosa and Rutigliano18 in Apulia. At Ginosa
the vessel is found in contexts with helmets of Corinthian, Apulo-Corinthian and Italic style,
with fragments of armour with belt with representations of animals, horse paraphernalia (some
elements such as the greaves are certainly imported from Greece), Attic lebete, basins, olpai,
and strainers. he same class of strainer19 (colum) discussed here is clearly identiiable also in its
ribboned handle variant, within several depictions on Attic vases (ig. 4-5). All these comparative
materials challenge the established Etruscan origin of the shape and suggest a Greek inluence, in
contexts, as we have seen, of repeated mutual inluences for much of the associated artefacts.
I consider it as an integral part of the Greek symposium assemblage together with the crater,
oinochoe, amphora, kylix, skyphos, simpulum and sometimes the grater. It is often found in the
West and may have been a key component in exporting the ritual outside Greece.
he wavy handle (not the tangled one) seems also to recall the trunk of the vine as represented
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Figure.4 Attic red-igures kylix attributed to Douris (after
Lissarrague, F. 1999. Vases grecs. Les Athéniens et
leurs images, p.32, ig.20)
Figura.5 Attic red-igures kylix attributed to
Douris, detail (after Lissarrague, F. 1999.
Vases grecs. Les Athéniens et leurs images,
p.32, ig.20)
in Attic ceramics20 with representations of scenes related to cults of Dionysus or the symposium.
his strengthens further my interpretation of a Greek origin of the shape. Many scholars before
me have interpreted this class of strainers, but being able to interpret it as evidence of cultural
inluence within the Mediterranean demonstrates my hypothesis that Mediterranean cultures are so
inextricably connected that sometimes we struggle to see similarities and rather attempt to impose
forced classiications separating cultures to simplify the task of classiication and recognition.
We can think of Mediterranean culture and shared identity as a particular phenomenon that
stems from globalisation, or perhaps think that globalisation itself, from antiquity to our time, is
only one of the aspects of Mediterranean culture: after all, European states have colonized most of
the globe in years gone by and have probably set the stage for globalisation.
As it may be, we cannot ignore the Mediterranean. It is fundamental to understand who we are. It
is also a fundamental component of the dynamics of the present-day European and Mediterranean
societies, which still provokes inluences and clashes that must be addressed by our present
multicultural society, as past societies had to deal before us, because there is no fully independent
culture. here is no single culture and rather clusters of cultures, in which any culture sits. he
vitality and dynamicity of our present-day societies do not allow for static cultures, but the origin
of this situation is very old indeed.
20 Beazley Archive, vase number n. 7306, dated between 550-500 BC, Oxford, Ashmolean Museum: 1982.1097,
Oxford Journal of Archaeology: 1 (1982), 140-43, FIGS.1-6;
Beazley Archive, vase number n. 14435, dated between 550-500 BC, Corpus Vasorum Antiquorum: Rodi, Museo
Archeologico Dello Spedale Dei Cavalieri 1, III.H.E.3, PL.(435) 3.1-3, View Whole CVA Plates;
Beazley Archive, vase number n.301323, dated between 550-500 BC, Boston (MA), Museum of Fine Arts:
01.80.52, Beazley, J.D., Attic Black-Figure Vase-Painters (Oxford, 1956): 242.35, 259.26.
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Journal of Intercultural and Interdisciplinary Archaeology
Perfume, women and the underworld in Urkesh
exploring female roles through aromatic substances
in the Bronze Age Near East
Laerke Recht
International Institute for Mesopotamian Area Studies
rechtl@tcd.ie
In northeastern Syria lies the site of Tell Mozan, the ancient Hurrian capital known as Urkesh.
he site had a royal palace, a temple with a large temple terrace, and an extensive outer city. he
remains go back at least to the Late Chalcolithic, but the focus here is on the fourth quarter of the
third millennium BC, starting around the time when King Tupkish ruled and his consort Uqnitum
at Urkesh. he purpose of this paper is to examine possible evidence for aromatic substances
(perfume in the form of oil and ointments), especially in ritual contexts - and in the process of
doing so, delve into certain associations with women and female aspects of the data. I begin with
an intriguing object of a rare type for the ancient Near East - a small anthropomorphic vessel.
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In an open area outside the Palace of Tupkish (but established before the palace), a large
subterranean stone-lined structure has been discovered (ig. 1), its main period of use being from c.
2300 to 2100 BC. he structure is interpreted as an
‘ābi’ (Kelly-Buccellati 2002, see also Collins 2004)
- that is, a place where sacriices and other rituals
took place in order to contact the deities of the
underworld. It consists of a lower, circular structure,
about 4m in diameter at the top, and a higher,
rectangular structure; the whole structure is over
7.5m long. Inside were the remains of slaughtered
animals (mostly piglets and puppies, but also sheep,
goats, cattle and donkeys - di Martino 2005), along
with animal igurines, ceramics, metal objects and
lint blades. hey were deposited over a long period
of time, not in a single, but rather a series of events.
he size, placement, construction and inds all
support the interpretation of a highly symbolically
charged space.
Among the inds from the ābi was also a small
ceramic anthropomorphic vessel, about 9cm high
Figure.1 he ābi at Urkesh, with narrow access
and 7cm at the broadest point of the body (igs.
steps in the foreground.
2-4). Its female forms are accentuated with a pubic
Photo courtesy of IIMAS
triangle (with a small dot marking the belly-button
or genitals in the centre of the triangle), breasts and long braids of hair, and the voluptuousness
of the female body is emphasised by the round shape of the vessel. he vessel has three feet, but
only two are visible from the front, making them look like human legs. Jewellery and/or garments
are marked with two lines around the wrists and and two rows of lines and dots around the neck.
‘Journal of Intercultural and
Interdisciplinary A rchaeology’
he lady of the Urkesh ābi
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Perfume, women and the underworld in Urkesh exploring female roles
through aromatic substances in the Bronze Age Near East
Figure 2. Drawing of anthropomorphic vessel
from the ābi (A12.108).
Drawing by Claudia Wettstein
Figure 3. Photo of anthropomorphic vessel from
the ābi (A12.108).
Photo courtesy of IIMAS
Figure 4. Detail of anthropomorphic vessel from the ābi (A12.108). Photo courtesy of IIMAS
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Laerke Recht, International Institute for Mesopotamian Area Studies
he jewellery and long, carefully pleated hair conveys a special status of the female depicted. Apart
from the large belly, other exaggerated physical features are the large hands supporting the breasts,
the slightly large ears and the twisted mouth. he shape of the vessel is iconographically reinforced
by a small jar being placed on top of the head, acting also as the small opening to the whole vessel.
It is this anthropomorphic vessel that Marilyn Kelly-Buccellati has suggested contained
perfumed oil used during rituals taking place in the ābi in her publication of the structure (2002:
141). Hittite texts from the last quarter of the second millennium describe a ritual where pits are
dug in order to communicate with the deities of the underworld (Hofner 1967); in an event of
the ‘relocation of the black goddess’, a small amount of perfumed oil is ofered in several stages of
the ritual. For example, the irst day starts:
Wenn aber frühmorgens am 2. Tag die Sonne (noch nicht) (am Himmel) steht, dann nehmen
sie aus dem Hause des besagten Opferherrn folgendes: 1 Bündel rote Wolle, 1 Bündel blaue
Wolle, 1 kišri (aus Wolle), 1 Sekel Silber, 1 gazzar-nul (-Gewebe), ein wenig Feinöl, 3 lache
Brote (und) 1 Kanne Wein. Dann schreiben sie zu den Wassern der Entsühnung, um (davon)
zu schöpfen, und der Entsühnung Wasser schöpfen sie. Und in den (alten) Tempel der
Schwarzen Göttin bringen sie aus dem Tempel der Schwarzen Göttin, der für die Zukunft
gebaut (ist), davon der Schwarzen Göttin und stellen es auf das Dach und es bleibt unter den
Sternen.
Und an dem Tage, an welchem sie der Entsühnung Wasser nehmen, (ziehen sie) das alte
Götterbild mit roter Wolle und Feinöl auf 7 Wegen (und) 7 Seitenwegen aus dem Gebirge,
von dem Flüsse, vom der Wiese, vom Himmel und von/aus der Erde.
An jenem Tage indet das ‘Ziehen’ statt: sie ziehen es (das Götterbild) in dem Tempel der alten
Gottheit hinein und binden den uliḫi an das Götterbild.
1
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Perfumed oil (‘ine oil’) is here listed as part of other oferings and as playing a role in drawing
out the deity.1 Elsewhere in the text, ine oil is poured out of a speciic type of vessel called tallai
before the deity is addressed (Kronasser 1963: §21.24-31), and the oil is used for puriicatory
purposes and in the anointing of the wall of the new temple (Kronasser 1963: §30). he small
amount required is nearly always emphasised, indicating the use of a small container for the liquid.
In one place, the amount is speciied as ‘one cattle-horn of ine oil’ (Kronasser 1963: §5.26). Six
small ox horns of perfumed oil, belonging to the king and queen, are mentioned in another Hittite
text (Hofner 1995: 110). hese references are particularly interesting in light of the fact that
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Die Leute der Gottheit nehmen (dazu) aber folgendes:
1 Bündel rote Wolle, 1 Bündel blaue Wolle, 1 kišri (aus Wolle), 1 weiße Frauenkopfbedeckung,
1 Schmuckstein, 1 Porphyr (?), 1 Sekel Silber, ein wenig Feinöl, 5 lache Brote, 2 mulati-Brote
von 1/2 Handvoll, 1 kleinen Käse, (und) 1 Kanne Wein, dies (also) nehmen sie für das Opfer
des ‘Emporziehens’. 1 Bündel rote Wolle, 1 Bündel blaue Wolle, 1 Schlinge (? aus) weißer Wolle, 2 mulati-Brote
von 1/2 Handvoll, 5 lache Brote (und) ein wenig Feinöl; dies aber nehmen sie für das Opfer
des dupšaḫi.
(translation by Kronasser 1963: §9-10, with emphasis by the author).
he mention of ‘Tree-oil’ (Kronasser 1963: §11.7, §11.11, §25.53, §27.2) is also of interest and may be another
type of aromatic oil, considering some the most common aromatic ingredients appear to have been various types of
wood. It is measured in the small amount of half a handful.
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the horns of animals were sometimes anointed with perfumed oil (Güterbock 1952: 17 for bulls
anointed before battle in a Hittite epic of Hurrian origin, Hofner 1995: 111-112, for sacriicial
goats and rams, Joannès 1993: 264 for oil dispersed for anointment of sheep), and the horned
sacriicial animals (sheep, goats and cattle) found in the ābi at Urkesh.
he use of perfumed oil in ritual contexts is also recorded in Old Babylonian times, for example
from Zimri-Lim’s palace at Mari. It was distributed to the royal family - including for religious
ceremonies, to the women of the harem, for burials, for oferings to the deities, used in the temple
for anointing statues and part of the temple itself; for festivals, related to the deceased and sent as
part of diplomatic gifts as far aield as Dilmun (Joannès 1993: 263-264, Middeke-Conlin 2014:
23-24). In other Hittite texts, we see perfumed oil for the deity, to summon the deity, for the king
to anoint himself, and once again an association with funerary rituals (Hofner 1995: 110-112,
Otten 1958: 66-69).
he most palpable manner of identifying the contents of an ancient vessel would be through
organic residue analysis. Unfortunately, these methods have so far not received a widespread
application in Near Eastern projects.2 In Syria, promising research is being carried out on material
from the 14th century BC Royal Tomb at Qatna, which has identiied the presence of degraded
plant wax and resin components in some of the vessels (Evershed et al. 2011), which could come
from aromatic oils, but may equally indicate other substances containing such lipid components.
Further aield, frankincense has been identiied at sites in Egypt (Evershed et al. 1997, Stern et
al. 2003), and therebinth resin, a possible ingredient in perfumes, was found in the cargo of the
1300 BC Uluburun shipwreck (Haldane 1993: 352-354). To date, the best results come from
Cyprus and Crete. In Middle Minoan IA Crete, several vessels have been found to contain oil of
iris, interpreted as an aromatic oil (Tzedakis and Martlew 1999: 44, 50). One vessel also contained
components of olive oil, pine resin and possibly carnation and anise (Tzedakis and Martlew 1999:
50, no.12); this vessel has several pierced holes in the bottom, larger but comparable to those on
the vessels discussed below from Tuttul. At the site of Pyrgos Mavroraki on Cyprus, a workshop
area was destroyed by an earthquake around 1850 BC. he workshop included a ‘perfumery’, and
vessels were found to contain traces of possible aromatic and medicinal ingredients like turpentine,
conifer resin, bergamot, myrtle, myrrh, lavender and chamomile, among others (Belgiorno 2006:
93-94, 127-152; Lentini and Scala 2006). It is perhaps no coincidence that the vessels found
included one with anthropomorphic handles and one zoomorphic, porcine-shaped (Belgiorno
2006: nos. 29 and 47). Short of being able to detect the content, our best clues to identifying vessels
that held aromatic substances are a combination of vessel type and context, texts and iconography.
Perfume in ancient texts
Near Eastern texts provide a surprising level of information concerning the production of
perfume, including related vocabulary (for elaborate discussions of the vocabulary associated with
perfume and perfume production, see e.g. Hofner 1995, Middeke-Conlin 2014, and CAD entry
‘igulû’). Some of the earliest tablets dealing with the topic are Sumerian Ur III tablets from Umma.
hese record ‘ine oil of grand trees’ and ‘ine oil of small aromas’ (should perhaps read ‘of small
trees’ - Limet 1978: 148). he production is of a relatively small inal amount of 13 litres, and
the ingredients include cedar, cypress, juniper and myrtle (these four only found in the irst type
of ine oil). Many other ingredients are as yet untranslated, but some may be suggested: calamus,
2
14
It is also not always possible to get good results due to preservation; so far, analyses on material that could be
exported from Mozan has not yielded useful data (Barnard et al. 2011).
Laerke Recht, International Institute for Mesopotamian Area Studies
apricot, conifer, a kind of spurge, and various unidentiied resins. he method of manufacture was
by grinding, pressing, macerating (soaking the ingredients in the oil), and inally iltering. Heating,
but not boiling may have been used to aid the process (Limet 1978: 153-157).
In the Old Babylonian period at Mari, we ind Akkadian transactions of a perfume workshop
recorded on tablets in the palace; the workshop itself may well also have been located in the palace
(Gates 1988). Here we see again a prominence of cedar, cypress, juniper and myrtle as ingredients,
but also calamus and carob tree, various unidentiied resins, and possibly also myrrh and styrax
(Joannès 1993). he perfume was produced by maceration, leaving the wood/bark (possibly at times
powdered versions) to dissolve in the cold oil, and then iltered. he inished product would be
distributed in small units. Finally, tablets from 13th century Assur record ingredients which are largely
unidentiied, but include sesame oil, lowers, myrrh, calamus, cedar and cypress (Ebeling 1950). We
here get a very lengthy manufacture of soaking, heating, stirring and iltering (sometimes using cloth
rather than a sieve) repeatedly over a number of days, altogether a ‘tedious, time-consuming and
costly procedure’ (Levey 1956: 384). he high value of perfume is also noted by Hofner in Hittite
texts (1995), and by Middeke-Conlin for Old Babylonian texts, although in these less high quality and therefore less expensive - varieties occur that would have made aromatic products more broadly
available (Middeke-Conlin 2014: 23).
Cult vessels and perfume
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his piece leads us to two fascinating
examples from Tell Bia - ancient Tuttul,
tentatively dated to the latest phase of the Early
Bronze Age (igs. 6-7, Strommenger et al. 1989:
61-63, Miglus and Strommenger 2002: 99, pls.
119-120, Strommenger and Miglus 2010: 4950, pl. 45.7-8). hey are handmade terracotta
vessels in a shape similar to the Urkesh vessel,
9-9.5cm high, and with a very small opening
of 0.3cm. hey have anthropomorphic features Figure 5. Lower part of an anthropomorphic vessel from
Urkesh (A9.91).
in the shape of a human head and shoulders;
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Anthropomorphic vessels, with either male or female features, are not very common in the Near
East during the Bronze Age, and the example from the Urkesh ābi is quite rare. he most directly
comparable piece is an unprovenanced juglet published by Badre
(1980: 398, no. 45), which has a round body and anthropomorphic
head, but no explicit markings of gender, although Badre attributes
it to a female group of igurines. From Urkesh, there is a fragment
of a vessel which provide further tantalising hints (ig. 5). It was
discovered on a pebble loor outside the palace, dated to the time
of Taram Agade (late third millennium BC). It consists of the lower
half of an anthropomorphic vessel, about 6cm broad and preserved
to a height of about 3cm; like the other vessel from Urkesh, it has
three feet, which look like two human legs seen from the front, and
an incised pubic triangle decorated with dots. At the very bottom
of the triangle is a small hole, around 0.2-0.3cm, which would only
let a very small stream of liquid pour out.
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Drawing by Claudia Wettstein
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Perfume, women and the underworld in Urkesh exploring female roles
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Figure 6. Anthropomorphic vessel from Tuttul
(U.295.1).
Drawing by Laerke Recht, ater Miglus and
Strommenger 2002: pls. 118-119
Figure 7. Anthropomorphic vessel from Tuttul (U.295.2).
Drawing by Laerke Recht, ater Miglus and
Strommenger 2002: pls. 118-119
although they lack the obvious female designations of breasts and the pubic triangle (the body of
both vessels is quite eroded), they are associated with a speciic type of igurine which is always female
and ‘breast-holding’ (Tuttul type K 2b, Strommenger et al. 1989: 61, Strommenger and Miglus
2010: 15, 49). Unfortunately, the context of these two vessels is not very informative, having been
discovered fairly close to the surface - but not far from a kind of basin installation. At the bottom,
they both have over a dozen very small holes, 0.1-0.2cm in diameter. Another Syrian example in the
British Museum, published by Tubb (1982), is a small juglet with an ‘applied’ female igure, with two
rows of necklaces and hands over the breasts. It also has small holes in the bottom, and a ‘primary’
opening of only 0.4cm diameter. Tubb dates it to the late Early Bronze Age (c. 2400-2000 BC), but
unfortunately, the example is unprovenanced.3 he Urkesh ābi further contained a large fragment of
a zoomorphic vessel - the front part of a pig, with a small hole in the mouth where liquid could low
out (Buccellati and Kelly-Buccellati 2004: 36-39). he porcine shape of the vessel is consistent with
the large amount of sacriicial bones from piglets found in the structure.
In fact, these vessels could be categorised as Type I rhyta (Koehl 2006: 13-22),4 with a ‘primary’,
larger, opening placed at the top, and ‘secondary’ opening(s)5 smaller, and in these cases placed at
the bottom and in the snout. he small size of both ‘primary’ opening (not preserved in the Urkesh
examples, but can be postulated with some certainty) and the holes at the bottom, makes them
ineicient ilters for industrial use, and along with the small content that the vessels would be able to
contain,6 as with the Urkesh example, the liquid they held must certainly have been of great value.
Very likely the anthropomorphic vessels discussed here were illed the way suggested by Tubb (1982:
176), and by Koehl for certain types of Aegean rhyta (2006: Type I and II), by immersing the vessel’s
bottom in a larger holder of the liquid, and when the desired level had been reached, a thumb would
be placed on the ‘primary’ opening at the head of the vessel. he liquid will thus be contained in
the vessel until the thumb is removed; this allows careful control of the stream exiting the vessel, for
example as part of libations. he immersion has the added efect of slightly iltering - or purifying 3
4
5
6
16
Vessels expressing a similar iconographic concept are found in third millennium BC Crete. he style is very diferent,
but they also use the body of the vessel to represent the female body, and have female features such as modelled
breasts and pubic triangles (Fowden 1990). Some also carry an extra jug (Fowden 1990: igs. 1 and 4), displaying
iconographic reinforcement in line with the Urkesh vessel.
For the Near East, Koehl instead suggests using the Akkadian bibru, but he argues that this refers to vessels with the
secondary opening(s) placed in a higher location, and mainly used for drinking through straws (2013); this would
not seem to apply to our much smaller vessels where the secondary opening(s) are at the bottom.
Koehl excludes examples from the Aegean with several holes in the bottom from the category of rhyta (2006: 9);
the number of holes in themselves do not seem to have a bearing on function, but the small diference in location
of the holes in the Tuttul examples (in the actual bottom of the vessel) and the Urkesh one (at the bottom, but in
the body of the vessel) would mean a slight diference in the angle of the low of the liquid or the angle at which the
vessel was held.
Tubb calculates about 210cc for the BM juglet (1982: 176); the anthropomorphic vessel from Urkesh would have
been able to hold a similar amount.
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Laerke Recht, International Institute for Mesopotamian Area Studies
7
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the liquid going into the vessel, something which may have been useful in the case of perfume, where
the mixture had to be repeatedly iltered to obtain the highest quality product. Given their closed
shape, these vessels focus on a pouring or possibly sprinkling action, i.e. libation, as part of the ritual.
We saw that this was mentioned in the Hittite text as one of the ways in which the oil was used, as
part of anointing the temple wall for the deity to enter. 7 Perfumed oil would thus be a very good
candidate for the contents of these types of small, closed and highly specialised vessels.
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Figure 9. Detail of seal impression showing libation (A14.239). Photo courtesy of IIMAS
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Figure 8. Composite drawing of seal impressions from Urkesh (A14.239, A14c1). Drawing by Kamiran Albek
Libations also occurred using open shapes, as can be seen on seal impressions from Urkesh, where king Ishar-kīnum
pours a libation from a small vessel in front of a seated deity (igs. 8-9 - Buccellati and Kelly-Buccellati 2005: 39-40,
43-44), and on one of King Tupkish’s own seals from a cup (Buccellati and Kelly-Buccellati 1995-1996: ig. 4a).
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Perfume and healing
Perfume was made not only as a liquid, but also as an ointment or paste (Limet 1978: 151-153,
RAI ‘Parfüm(rezepte)’). 8 Like the oil version, but perhaps to an even greater extent, the inished
mixtures may not simply have had pleasing aromatic efects, but also medicinal properties - in fact,
the distinction between perfumery and pharmacy may have been a blurred one (Joannés 1993:
265, Limet 1978: 157. For the word ‘aromatics’ covering substances used in perfume, medicine,
ritual and as a condiment, see Middeke-Conlin 2014). Cypress and juniper are mentioned as part
of medical-ritual texts (Ur III: van Dijk and Geller 2003: 21-22, Hittite: Hofner 1995, Burde
1974: 42-43), and cedar as part of a puriication ritual (van Dijk and Geller 2003: 36-38). 9
In modern scientiic studies, the possible properties of myrtle are listed as antiseptic,
astringent, expectorant, anti-inlammatory, antioxidant, antibacterial and antifungal (Charles
2012: 411); of juniper as anti-inlammatory, diuretic, antioxidant, fungicidal, anticholinesterase,
antimicrobial, antibacterial (note, however, that this is for the berries and leaves; Charles 2012:
359); of cypress as expectorant, antimicrobial and antioxidant (Teke et al. 2013, Asgary et al.
2013); of cedar as antibacterial, antifungal, anti-inlammatory, antitumor, immunomodulatory,
cytotoxic, neuroleptic and antioxidant (Başer and Demirçakmak 1995, Gupta et al. 2011); of
calamus as antioxidant, anti-inlammatory, antibacterial, insecticidal and neuroleptic, to name a
few (Paithankar et al. 2011); and of sesame as demulcent, emollient, diuretic and laxative (Kapoor
1989: 302). All of these properties may not have been known in ancient times, but the presence of
these ingredients in medical texts tells us that at least some were known and mixed into ointments
and oils.
Figure 10. Drawing of female Figure 11. Proile of upper part of
igurine from
female igurine, showing
Urkesh (A12.30).
depression in the head
Drawing by
(A12.30).
Pietro Pozzi
Drawing by
Claudia Wettstein
8
9
18
One object from Urkesh of a
possible cultic nature which may
have held a small amount of a very
valuable material such as an ointment
is a terracotta igurine (igs. 10-13).
It came from a pit cut through an
outer wall of the service wing of the
palace, dated to the last quarter of the
third millennium BC. he pit was
interpreted as having certain aspects
in common with a favissa, where ritual
items would be disposed of (Buccellati
and Kelly-Buccellati 2000: 156). he
igurine is preserved to a height of
29cm (larger than usual, found in
two pieces - the feet and lower legs are
broken of), and has female features
in the form of applied breasts and a
pubic triangle with an incised pattern.
he hips and buttocks have been given
extra emphasis, and around the neck
are two rows of decoration indicating
A distinction between oil and ‘unguent’ is equally recorded in Linear B records (Bushnell 2012: 201-202).
Myrtle, juniper, cedar and cypress are also mentioned as part of medicinal mixtures in Neo-Babylonian tablets from
Sippar, often made into a paste (Heeßel and Farouk 2003).
Laerke Recht, International Institute for Mesopotamian Area Studies
Figure 12. Photo of female igurine
(A12.30).
Photo courtesy of IIMAS
Figure 13. Detail of female igurine showing depression in the head
(A12.30).
Photo courtesy of IIMAS
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Female igurines with a hollow or indentation in the head of a similar date have been found at
Tuttul (Strommenger and Miglus 2010: e.g. pl. 4.9-12) and Tell Halawa A (Meyer and Pruß 1994:
nos. 89, 117, 118), but none of them have the same regularised deep depression as the Urkesh
example, and Meyer and Pruß’s interpretation of crowns or diadems in these instances (1994:
26) would seem more itting, but does not explain the Urkesh igurine, since the hollow is much
deeper than would be necessary, and extends into the actual head. Although the igurine could be
tipped to pour, its shape is more conducive to an action that involves ‘scooping out’ its content,
for example by simply dipping a inger in a paste and applying it where relevant, either on the
image of a deity or on an area requiring medicinal treatment. he shape and context of the Urkesh
igurine suggests use as part of a ritual akin to the examples described in medical-ritual texts.
‘Journal of Intercultural and
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necklaces. he arms have been broken of, but there is no trace of the hands on the body, so they
were likely extended out from the body. he mouth is slightly open, and the ears and hair around
the front of the head are marked by extended lobes and several small piercings, perhaps for attached
jewellery of a diferent material; an ear ornament is preserved at the bottom of the right ear. Along
the back is a counter-weight for the necklaces. In the head is an indentation which creates a hollow
from the top, like a miniature bowl, almost with a small lip going all the way around. his hollow
would have been able to contain a very small amount of a particularly valuable kind of substance.10
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10 Buccellati and Kelly-Buccellati mention the possibility that the hollow was used as a hold for a head-ornament or
wig of a diferent material (2000: 159). he regularity and depth of the hollow would suggest more than the simple
use for an attachment.
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Perfume, women and the underworld in Urkesh exploring female roles
through aromatic substances in the Bronze Age Near East
Expressions of female: social status, ritual and healers
One of the most striking aspects of the objects discussed is their
strongly emphasised female features. Iconographically, they most
closely resemble a commonly found type of female igurine with
hands holding the breasts, wearing various kinds of jewellery and
usually a marking of the genitals with a pubic triangle (for examples
from Urkesh, see Figures 14-16). he meaning of these female and
similar images has been a matter of great dispute, and may or may
not link back to some of the irst human artefacts known, spanning
a wide geographical area across Europe and Asia (Delporte 1979).
he suggestions include toys, votive items, use in rituals of magic,
and there is much discussion about whether they represent
humans, deities or other supernatural beings (Strommenger and
Miglus 2010: 6-7; see also Meskell 1995 for a discussion of how
these ancient igurines have been used to support modern feminist
ideologies). Certainly, a universal meaning does not apply to all
Figure 14. Female igurine from
these igurines, as can be seen from the varied contexts in which
Urkesh (A9.86).
Drawing by Pietro Pozzi they are found. What we do know is that some were highly valued
- a tablet from the Ur III period describes an actual ritual for the
making of a igurine (van Dijk and Geller 2003: 65-66), and we see
in the Hittite text quoted at the beginning that several igurines were made of perishable material
for the explicit purposes of that ritual. Another type of vessel from the late third millennium with
female features is found in the form of larger jars, where anthropomorphic elements of eyes, nose,
breasts and sometimes the mouth and a pubic triangle are applied or incised on the handle (from
Abu Salabikh: Moon 1981, 1982; from Kish: Barrelet 1968: 65, igs. 29a-b). hese are perhaps
too large for perfumed oil, but likely contained another liquid.
Figure 15. Female igurine from Urkesh (A16.27).
Drawing by Claudia Wettstein
Figure 16. Female igurine from Urkesh (Z1.231).
Drawing by Claudia Wettstein
he female aspect of the vessel from Urkesh is so emphasised that it must have been pivotal
for the success of the ritual it was part of. he unusually large ears and twisted mouth may be
one clue:11 if the ābi was a means of communication with the deities of the underworld, these
features may be an expression of this object’s ability to facilitate such communication through
increased hearing and speaking. Silver model ears are also recorded as placed in the pit in the
Hittite ritual, interpreted by Hofner as the desire to ‘hear’ the underworld deities (Hofner 1967:
397). Reviewing the evidence of ritual pits, Hofner notes that the oiciator most commonly was
11 As noted by Smith, in miniature images such as igurines, the diminution of some features, and accentuation of
others serve to focus the attention of the viewer or user on speciic aspects (2009: 19), which in turn gives clues to
the importance and function of the image.
20
Laerke Recht, International Institute for Mesopotamian Area Studies
a woman (revealingly, the word ‘witch’ is used), who may well have lived in the vicinity of the pit
and served clients there (Hofner 1967: 394). In Hittite ‘magical’ rituals, we often ind an ‘Old
Woman’ or a ‘Wise woman’ as the practitioner, possibly with a strong association with the word
for midwife (Gurney 1977: 44-45). he hairstyle with the long braids going down the back of the
body is unusual, and like the special hairstyle of Queen Uqnitum (Buccellati and Kelly-Buccellati
1995/1996: 14), work as an identiier of a speciic woman, whoever she might have been.
Given the potential medicinal properties of perfumed oil (if this is indeed what the vessel
contained), it is possible that some of the acts performed at the ābi had ritual-healing aspects,
purifying the client - most likely the royal family - through sacriice, libation and/or the application
of oil. In this sense, it is of interest to note the association in modern and traditional natural
medicine of myrtle, cypress, sesame and myrrh as being beneicial against certain female alictions
such as hormonal imbalance of thyroid and ovaries (myrtle - Charles 2012: 411), vaginal infection
and to stimulate menstrual low (cypress - Kane 2006: 67), against menstrual pain, to encourage
production of milk in mothers and to cause abortion (sesame - Peter 2012: 478), and against
labour pain (myrrh - Iluz et al. 2010). What is more, cedar, cypress, juniper, calamus, sesame are
all listed as useful against urinary problems. Urinary problems are of course not limited to women,
but this information puts the fragmentary anthropomorphic vessel from Urkesh (ig. 5), in a new
light, with its piercing at the bottom of the pubic triangle.
Women are associated with perfume in a number of other ways. In the two tablets from Assur
with any indication of the craftsman, the recipes both come from the ‘mouth of the perfumeress’
(muraqqîtu) (Ebeling 1950: 5, 15). A woman is the provider of perfume to a man for anointment
of himself before or after worship, and a female physician performs a ritual of troops, including
anointing the commander and his equipment with perfumed oil before battle (Hofner 1995:
111). A more seductive aspect is indicated in the dispatches of perfume to the queen and the harem
(Joannès 1993: 264, Middeke-Conlin 2014: 23), and in the myth of Ḫedammu, the goddess
Ištar bathes and applies perfume before going to seduce Ḫedammu (Siegelová 1971: 55). Finally,
perfume is recorded as part of the funerary oferings of women: a text from Ur III Girsu lists ‘a pot
of perfumed oil’ among the oferings given at the funeral of the wife of Urtarsirsira (Cohen 2005:
163-164), at Mari a woman receives perfume at her funeral (Joannès 1993: 264), and an Assur
tablet lists perfume given to the daughter of the king (Ebeling 1950: 4).
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he ancient texts make it clear that aromatic substances existed and were used in a variety of
contexts beyond modern cosmetic usage; and that it could be a very costly product, meaning that
even small quantities were highly valued. his must also have been the case at ancient Urkesh and
the broader region of northeastern Syria. he most likely vessels that may have contained such
liquids or ointments come from cult contexts, including the monumental channel to contact the
deities of the netherworld. he perfumes may have had not only cosmetic uses, but also have
been appreciated for their medicinal properties and therefore part of healing rituals. hey further
appear to have a strong association with females and representations of females, and through the
intermingling of wife, queen, daughter, seducer, craftsperson, healer, practitioner and goddess,
represent a microcosmos of some of the roles of women at Urkesh and throughout the ancient
Near East.
‘Journal of Intercultural and
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Conclusion
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Perfume, women and the underworld in Urkesh exploring female roles
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Acknowledgements
I would like to thank Marilyn Kelly-Buccellati, Giorgio Buccellati, James Walker, Katarzyna
Zeman-Wiśniewska and Esmerelda Agolli for help with contextual data, and very useful discussions
and suggestions for this paper.
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Laerke Recht, International Institute for Mesopotamian Area Studies
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Perfume, women and the underworld in Urkesh exploring female roles
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Journal of Intercultural and Interdisciplinary Archaeology
The use of (perfumed) oil in Hittite rituals
with particular emphasis on funerary practices*
Matteo Vigo
CTR-University of Copenhagen
jlg904@hum.ku.dk
DG-64
Abstract:
According to the Hittite texts, Late Bronze Age Anatolia was known for the diversity of its agricultural
products. Oil-bearing plants are listed among them. Hittite scholars distinguish ‘oil’, ‘fat’ and similar
products on the basis of their attestations. Additionally, lexical analysis of Hittite terms or their
equivalents - usually concealed behind logograms - helps philologists to identify oil products. he use
of oil obtained from diferent plants is richly attested in diferent genres. In this respect, the description
of ritual scenarios seems to be very productive. From procedures of the rituals we can infer that oil was
used for several purposes. In this article attention is placed on the use of ‘perfumed oil’ in rituals with
particular emphasis on funerary practices. In addition, selected possible comparisons with other funerary
contexts are briely presented.
Keywords: Late Bronze Age Anatolia; Hittite; Oil products; Perfumed oils; Ritual scenarios;
Funerary ritual practices.
1
2
3
I wish to thank my colleague, Peder Flemestad (CTR-University of Copenhagen), for his absolutely useful
proofreading and for his always enlightening piece of advice.
Abbreviations follow those of Güterbock†, H.G. and Hofner Jr., H.A. and van den Hout, h.P.J. (eds.), he Hittite
Dictionary of the Oriental Institute of the University of Chicago (CHD). Chicago 1980- he fascicles are available
online: http://oi.uchicago.edu/research/pubs/catalog/chd/
See below, part 2. Cf. CHD, ‘Š’: 114-115.
Cf. CHD, ‘Š’: 207.
Cf. CHD, ‘L’: 72-73.
Founded by Antonella D’Ascoli in 2003
© 2014
*
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Research on food plants and their products has, from various perspectives, aroused wide interest
in Hittitological studies since the seventies of the last century.
Harry A. Hofner Jr. has schematically presented a rich variety of fruit trees utilized by the
inhabitants of Anatolia in the Late Bronze Age. Among these, he listed apple, ig, tamarisk,
pomegranate, date and olive trees (Hofner 1974: 113-120). A few years earlier Hans G. Güterbock
ofered a systematic appraisal of oil and oil-bearing plants in Hittite Anatolia (Güterbock 1968).
In his preliminary study Güterbock discussed four oil-producing plants in Hittite texts: Akkadian
GIŠ
serdu(m) (Hittite rendering GIŠSE20-ER-DUM) = ‘olive tree’; GIŠsam(m)am(m)a- = ‘a kind of nut’,
probably its tree;1 Sumerian GIŠŠE.GIŠ.Ì (possible Hittite reading sapsama-)2 = ‘sesame-oil tree?’;
GIŠ
līti-/lēti-=‘perhaps the almond’.3 In a brief paper Itamar Singer subsequently summarized the
results achieved thus far, and also provided general hints on the alleged locations of olive tree groves
in Kizzuwatna, classical Cilicia, on the basis of a cursory survey of the Hittite land grant deeds
(Singer 1987, page 184 in particular). On the occasion of a tribute to one of the greatest excavators
of the Hittite capital Hattusa, namely Peter Neve, Harry Hofner presented the results of his lexical
research, that were later published in the fascicle ‘Š’ of the Chicago Hittite Dictionary (Hofner
1995). In this article Hofner provided a comprehensive and detailed picture of the diferent kind
of oils attested in the Hittite documentation. After presenting a general list of words (mostly
‘Journal of Intercultural and
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1. Previous Research
25
The use of (perfumed) oil in Hittite rituals with particular emphasis
on funerary practices
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Sumerograms) for ‘oil’ and ‘fat’, he evinces a highly interesting selection of sources in which lard,
tallow, butter, olive oil, cypress oil and sesame oil were used among the Hittites. Needless to
say, the majority of these sources deal with ritual practices. he most common use of oil is in
anointment. Kings, princes, worshippers, priests and sorceresses were anointed to perform rituals
or to pass through particular physical conditions or social steps. Oil could also be used to anoint
cultic objects, like (animal-shaped) vessels, to invoke protection from evil and insulate igurines,
statues of deities, doors and windows during rituals. Moreover, oil was often used to attract and
appease gods (see below part 3). Hofner concludes his paper by opening new possibilities for
further textual interpretations through his identiication of the Hittite word for oil (see below,
part 2). he hypothesis of the Hittite rendering sākan for Sumerian Ì (‘oil’, ‘fat’, etc. see below),
predominantly attested in Hittite documents, had already been made by Hofner himself in a
previous study (Hofner 1994) and was reined in the inal word-entry of the CHD fascicle ‘Š’ (see
below, part 2). Furthermore, Volkert Haas has collected the majority of ritual passages in which
the diferent vegetal oils are used for various purposes in the chapter Planzen und planzliche
Materien of his monumental work on Materia Magica et Medica Hethitica (Haas 2003: 257-266).
2. Words for ‘Oil’, ‘Fat’ and Similar Products (after Hofner 1995)
As correctly stated by Hofner (1995: 108): “Philologists dealing with a dead language are at the
mercy of their documentation […]. In the case of Hittite, they are also at the mercy of Sumerian
terminology […], philologists cannot be sure that the Hittites themselves used the same word or
linguistically related words in their own language to designate types of oil, fat, or grease.”
he Sumerian logogram Ì(IÀ) should indicate either ‘oil’ or ‘fat’, products from a vegetable or
animal source.4 he Hittite word should be then the neuter sākan/sakn-.5 he Luwian equivalent
is dāin- (possible disyllabic reading /ta:yin/).6
Vegetable and animal oils and oil-bearing plants could also be indicated by compounding
Sumerograms. UZUÌ (or UZU.Ì) indicates ‘animal fat’ (i.e. a substance more solid than liquid).7
Sometimes UZU+Ì could denote simply ‘lesh’.8 One of the Hittite related words might be
UZU
appuzzi-, meaning ‘tallow’, animal (especially sheep) fat (Ì.UDU),9 to be distinguished
from ‘swine fat’ (Ì.ŠAḪ). Another Hittite related word for the compound UZU.Ì could be
UZU
kuzzaniyant-.10 Other types of ‘fat’ include Ì.NUN and Ì.NUN.NA, namely ‘butter’, ‘ghee’.
Ì.GIŠ, literally ‘tree oil’, should be a generic designation of a tree which is able to produce oil.11
However, Hofner (1995:108) suggested translating it ‘olive tree’, even though doubts had
previously been cast on the matter.12 GIŠSE20-ER-DUM is the ‘olive tree’ indeed. Hence Ì GIŠSE20ER-DÌ denotes ‘olive oil’. he Hittite equivalent is unfortunately not known. As we have already
seen (part 1), the botanical identity of (Sum.) GIŠŠE.GIŠ = ‘sesame’ is still debated; therefore
nothing conclusive can be said, but ŠE.GIŠ.Ì may, accordingly, denote ‘sesame oil’. Despite
the intriguing suggestion by Güterbock (1968: 71) to see the Hittite word sapsama- behind the
logographic compound ŠE.GIŠ, the scarcity of syllabic attestations (just one entry; see CHD, ‘Š’:
4
5
6
7
8
9
For the readings Ì or IÀ of the sign
see HZL: 126-127, Nr. 72.
Hofner 1994. Cf. EDHIL: 698.
Cf. CLL: 201; StBoT 31: 239-242.
Contra StBoT 54: 646: UZU.Ì = Hitt. suppaia- ‘innards’.
See, for example, UZU.Ì.GU4: ‘beef ’?.
E.g. KUB 39.15, iv 1-2: [u]rkis=ttis=war=tta Ì[.UDU-it] iskantis asan[du]= “May your [p]ath b[e] smeared for you
[with sheep] fat”. In line 7 appuzzi- is mentioned in a very broken context, instead. For the equivalence (UZU)Ì.UDU
= appuzzi- see the attestations in HED, ‘A’: 103.
10 Cf. StBoT 27: 73, n. 45.
11 In Mesopotamian texts Ì.GIŠ is used also for non-vegetable oils. See CAD, ‘E’: 106 s.v. ellu B.
12 See, for instance, HZL: 127:
‘Sesam(öl), Fett’.
26
Matteo Vigo, CTR-University of Copenhagen
207) does not allow us any conclusion.13 Analogously, we cannot precisely identify the (GIŠ)samama(sam(m)am(m)a) attested in the Hittite documentation. It always appears in Hittite texts with the
determinative for objects made out of wood (GIŠ).14 Hence it should be a vegetable product (i.e.
the fruit of a tree). It is also listed among fresh and dried fruit (GIŠINBU RABṬU ŠABULU).15 On
the account of this passage of KBo 10.34 (i 15-18), we can stay with Güterbock in proposing
that the neuter noun (GIŠ)samama- indicates a kind of nut; maybe also its tree. he crucial passage
is KUB 33.68, ii 8-10: GIŠsamama mahhan d[uw]arnizzi nu parstehus arha pessiezzi: “As he breaks
the samama-nuts and throws away the shells…”. he dried shelled(?)16 fruit could be a kind of
nut, indeed. he hypothesis may also be conirmed by the following passage: kāsa GIŠsamamma
kitta [nu(?) ZI=KA(?) QĀTAMMA(?)] sakuwan ēstu: “As the samama-nut is lying here, may [your(?)
soul(?) likewise(?)] be protected!”.17 Moreover, the GIŠsamama-nut can produce oil: kāsa GIŠsamama
GIR-ri nu GIŠs[amama] [G]IM-an Ì-an ŠÀ-it har ⌈zi⌉ DINGIR.[MAḪ-ass=a LUGAL MU]NUS.
LUGAL KUR URUHatti=ya [QĀTAMMA ŠÀ-it assul ]i har(a)k: “he samama-nut is now lying here.
As the s[amama] holds oil in (its) heart, [likewise] you, Hanna[hanna], hol[d in good health the
king, the q]ueen and the land of Hatti !”.18
he Hittite term (GIŠ)līti-/lēti- was tentatively identiied by Güterbock (1968: 61) as almond fruit
despite the insuicient evidence for it. Nevertheless, it is a fruit that excretes oil. Just like the olive
oil, it can be used as sedative19 or anointment.20 he almond (expressed with the Sumerogram
GIŠ
LAM.ḪAL) is attested only as a cathartic element in Hittite rituals of puriication.21
he best oil is Ì.SAG DÙG.GA or simply Ì.DÙG.GA, literally ‘ine oil’.
3. Ì.DÙG.GA ‘ine oil’ (perfumed oil?) in ritual practices
Founded by Antonella D’Ascoli in 2003
© 2014
13 Cf. HEG, ‘Š’: 851.
14 To my knowledge there are no attestations of it without determinative, so far. But I had no chance to double check
the CHD iles.
15 KBo 10.34, i 15 f.
16 For parsteha- see CHD, ‘P’: 190; HEG, ‘P’: 446.
17 KUB 17.10, ii 15-16. Here we cautiously follow the restoration proposed in CHD, ‘Š’: 114; the suggestion by
Gurney apud Moore, hesis 22, n. 13, in particular. It would mean that the analogy refers to the nut in its shell, but
this infers some syntactical problems. See also CHD, ‘Š’: 53-54 for diferent interpretations.
18 KUB 17.13, 9’-12’.
19 E.g. KUB 33.74, i 8’-9’: “he lēti is lying h[ere] for you. May it re[liev]e your, of you God, [soul, hear]t and body”.
20 E.g. KUB 17.10, ii 22’-23’ (with duplicates): “he lēti is lying here. May it anoint […] of Telipinu; [his] soul”.
21 Cf. Haas 2003: 290.
22 One zipattani is a measure of capacity diicult to determine. van den Hout (1990: 525) suggested an equivalence
with BÁN (ca. 8,4 liters). Two shekels (GĺN) are ca. 25 gr.
23 KBo 6.26, ii 44-45. Cf. LH: 144-145.
24 KBo 1.14, obv. 6’-10’. Cf. Giorgieri and Mora 2004: 57-75 for the latest edition of the text and pages 57-60, for
the identity of the Assyrian king.
‘Journal of Intercultural and
Interdisciplinary A rchaeology’
In order to establish more precisely what ‘ine, good’ (DÙG.GA) ‘oil’ (Ì) means in Hittite contexts,
it is worth consulting irst the price of products listed in the Old Hittite Laws. One zipattani of
Ì.DÙG.GA costs two shekels of silver,22 while the same amount of swine fat (Ì.SAḪ) or ghee
(Ì.NUN) costs one shekel.23 herefore Hofner (1995: 110) stated: “his obviously establishes
Ì.DÙG.GA as the most expensive of the oils”. We would not say it is so obvious. he remarkable
value of the Ì.DÙG.GA is rather attested in the correspondence between sovereigns. In an
Akkadian letter from Hattusili III to the Assyrian king (Adad-nerari I or Salmanassar I?), the
Hittite ruler complains that the Assyrian monarch failed to send him the traditional coronation
gifts, which include ceremonial luxury garments and ine oil for anointing: “Still, it is the custom
that when kings assume kingship, the kings, his equals in rank, send him appropriate [pres]ents
(on that occasion); clothing beitting kingship, and ine [oil] for anointing. But you did not
do this today”.24 he Ì.DÙG.GA was certainly used to anoint the king on the occasion of his
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The use of (perfumed) oil in Hittite rituals with particular emphasis
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enthronement and it was termed the ‘royal oil’ (Ì.DÙG.GA LUGAL-UT-TI).25 his precious
oil is even mentioned in a letter sent by the king of Cyprus (Alašiya) to the Egyptian pharaoh:
“And behold, a hahannatu-jar full of ine oil to be poured on your [he]ad I have sent, because you
have sat on your royal throne”.26 he future Hittite king Tudhaliya IV also complains in a letter
with his queen-mother Puduhepa about the need of Ì.DÙG.GA: (KBo 18.2, obv. 1-6) “hus speaks His
Majesty: say to the queen(-mother), my lady, my dear mother, may the thousand gods keep my
lady, my dear mother, in good health! Write (you plur.) to me how it is with my lady, my dear
mother (KBo 18.2, rev. 4’-7’)…bring (you plur.) it out and send (you plur.) it to me! At present I have no
ine oil to anoint myself. Furthermore, write (you plur.) me letters so that I may know whether
someone will send (it) to me or no one will send (it) to me”.27 A simple ‘whim version’ is hard to
sustain in this case, and the speciic request of ‘ine oil’ by the heir to the throne may have political
connotations.28 his kind of sources, as many others, sheds light on the high value of Ì.DÙG.GA.
Most importantly, however, they reveal a complex ideology of oil anointment and consumption in
speciic contexts that were common to the societies of the ancient Near East. he oil anointment
ideology as a way to purify and elect in the same time the anointed person has a long tradition,
widespread throughout the ancient Near East from the 3rd millennium BC onwards.29 Ioannis
Fappas (2011) has recently illustrated this complex ‘oil ideology’ by presenting several sources
from diferent Ancient Near Eastern contexts that clearly express it.
he present article does not pretend to (re-)investigate such a complex topic. We rather focus on
the use of Ì.DÙG.GA in ritual contexts with particular emphasis on ‘ine oil’ consumption within
‘Hittite’ funerary scenarios.
he ‘ine oil’ is used in a recipe together with cedar oil, honey, and sesame to increase the cathartic
properties of cleansing water.30 An entry of a tablet catalogue states: “First tablet of the ‘ine oil’
(DUB.1.KAM ŠA Ì.DÙG.GA) by Azzari, the Hurrian physician: when a commander is going
to lead the troops against an enemy city, she (the physician) pronounces a spell over it (i.e. the
‘ine oil’) and then anoints (iskizzi) the commander, his horses, together with his chariots and
weapons”.31 he anointment is here perceived to be a sort of preventive measure against possible
risks. It has a pronounced apotropaic value, indeed. he anointment of animals’ body parts with
‘ine oil’ is a ritual practice attested in the myth called Song of Ullikummi, just when the god Teššob
sets up his battle cart to ight the monstrous Ullikummi, addressing his brother Tašmišu as follows:
“Let them mix fodder. Let them [brin]g ine oil and an[o]int the horns of the bull Šerišu. Let them
plate with go[ld] the tail of the bull Tella […]. Let them put forward the wagons […]. Now, when
Tašmišu heard the words, he hurried and ha[st]ened. [He drove] the bull Šerišu [there] from the
pasture. [He drove the bull Te]lla [there] from the Mount Imgarra […] He brought ine oil and
[anointed the horns] of the bull Šerišu […]”.32
his practice is clearly documented in sacriice rituals. Goats and rams’ horns were anointed with
‘ine oil’ prior to their sacriice.33 he action of smearing animals with oil or fat is also described in
the irst tablet of the Kikkuli horse-training manual (i.e. in a non-ritual context): “Every day (UDat UD-at) they [was]h (them) one time,34 and one makes (them) shrug (i.e. shaking themselves
25 See, for instance, the substitution ritual probably performed just before the actual enthronement of the king or in
the event of a bad omen (StBoT 3: 10-11).
26 EA 34, 50-53.
27 For the latest treatment of this letter see Hofner 2009: 327-329.
28 However, this form of complaining about the lack of oil as ointment is a formula well attested in the ancient
Mesopotamian documentation. See, for instance, the attestations in CAD ‘Š/1’: 325, d.
29 See the important work by Kutsch (1963).
30 ChS I/1 Nr. 1: 33-34.
31 KUB 30.42, obv. 18-14.
32 CTH 345: Excerpta §§ 38-39, passim. Cf. Hofner 1990: 61.
33 See, for instance, KBo 11.32, obv. 22-24; KBo 14.21, i 28-31.
34 It implies that they regularly and constantly (day by day) wash out impurity from the horses’ hair. Rubbing/
28
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Matteo Vigo, CTR-University of Copenhagen
dry) (katkattinuzi), while they (i.e. the horses) keep [eati]ng [thei]r [forage] and hay day by day,
as well. But on the ifth day they anoint (iskanzi) (them) with abundant (sic. such as straw) oil
fat (Ì.NUN)”.35 he ‘ine oil’ could also be used to wipe (vel clean = sart-/sartai-/sartiya-)36 body
parts, persons or objects: “When the patient washes himself, the Old Woman (MUNUSŠU.GI) says:
«I washed myself with water on the road. Wash yourself with rain-water then! I stepped on a
lint, but in the house […] And I have wiped (⌈sar⌉-ti-ia-nu-⌈un⌉) the ine oil <on the roof> of the
palace»”.37 ‘Fine oil’ could also be sprinkled upon, before or toward persons or objects during
rituals:38 “he patili-priest then takes a small vessel (DUGkappi-) and sprinkles (papparsz[i]) (it)
three times toward the god Šarruma (i.e. toward his statue); then he turns around (sic. he turns his
eyes back) and [sprinkles?] it [to]ward the gods of the sinapsi-structure”.39 Oils are often used in
rituals to attract or appease angry gods. Gods are thus attracted or ‘lured’ by special paths (palsa-/
Sum. KASKAL) sprinkled with oils and perfumes: kāsa IŠTU Ì.DÙG.GA ŠA dTelipinu KASKAL.
ḪI.A=KA paparshun nu=ssan dTelipinus Ì.DÙG.GA-it papparsanta KASKAL-sa iyanni: “I have
herewith sprinkled your paths with ine oil, O god Telipinu. So walk, god Telipinu, on the path
sprinkled with ine oil!”.40 Gods are hence ‘called’ or ‘summoned’ by the fragrance and the good
smell of the ‘ine oil’: “As this ine oi[l] is [sce]nted, and it is well-liked by the gods and humans,
let the king, the queen and the land of Hatti be well-liked by the gods in the same way”.41
It is important to stress that the physical property of the fragrance (i.e. to be perfumed, scented,
smelling good = sanezzi-) is not speciic to the ‘ine’ oil, as at least testiied by the following passage
of ‘Mursili’s Invocation’ to the god Telipinu: “Now let the fragrant aroma (lit. ‘odor’) (sanezzis
warsulas), (namely) the cedar and the oil (Ì-anza) summon you (kallisdu). Come back to your
shrine! I am herewith invoking you (by means of ofering) bread and libation. So be paciied and
let your ear be turned to what I am saying to you, O god, and listen to it!”.42
4. Oil consumption in funerary scenarios: the case of the ‘ine oil’ in the Hittite ‘sallis wastais’
44
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40
41
42
43
scrubbing process? Note the iterative aspect of the verb: ar(r)-(i)-sk-anzi.
KUB 1.13+, iii 5-9. Cf. Kammenhuber 1961: 62-65.
Cf. CHD, ‘Š’: 290-291.
ChS I/5 Nr. 19: 138-139.
KBo 17.69, 12-14. Cf. ChS I/9 Nr. 32: 75.
Probably a sort of vestibule/prònaos of a temple (that can have wooden parts). For further information, generally
refer to CHD, ‘Š’: 378.
KBo 17.10, ii 28-30.
KUB 15.34, ii 29-30.
KUB 24.1+, i 11-17. Cf. Singer 2002: 54. Lastly, Kassian and Yakubovich 2007: 428, 432.
HPM (http://www.hethport.uni-wuerzburg.de/hetkonk/) lists more than a hundred of entries under CTH 450. For
the division of the series, see Kapełuś 2008: 454.
For the discussion on the dating of the original composition see Kassian et al. 2002: 12-14. Recently, again Kapełuś
2008: 450: “Apparently, none of the analysed texts is older than the New Hittite period”.
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Even if death is an inevitable event for all, it was not the same for everyone. he status of the
deceased was self-manifested by the treatment of the corpse. he information that we can obtain
from the Hittite epigraphic sources is provided by a large number of documents (several fragments
divided in series),43 all recent copies (13th century BC) of older texts,44 generally referred to as
‘funeral rites’. he typological distinction of this category of texts, called ‘rituals for the deceased’
(akkantas saklaes), was proposed by Hittitologists on the basis of the tablets’ colophons. As already
pointed out by scholars of Hittite, the colophons’ formula sallis wastais (‘great sin/loss’ [for the land
of Hatti]), speciically indicates the death of the Hittite king or his family members. hus it can
be translated as ‘Royal funeral’. he character of this category of documents is highly prescriptive.
It means that we deal with a traditional protocol of the Hittite royal funerary ritual. Hence, it
cannot be considered as a mere description of a death ritual once carried out for a speciic Hittite
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The use of (perfumed) oil in Hittite rituals with particular emphasis
on funerary practices
king.45 his complex 14-day funerary ritual lists all sorts of objects that have to be carefully used
on a certain day and at a certain time. Sifting through the synopsis of these ritual events,46 we
can evince indications of the oil consumption they demanded. Apparently, the rite of separation
starts on the second day. After having made a wooden statue of the deceased,47 a lip-cover of gold
is placed over the lips of the deceased and eye-covers of gold over his/her eyes.48 hen the main
meal is announced for the participants in the ritual. Libations are then made while singers sing
accompanying themselves on musical instruments. Next the partakers in the ritual bid the dead
‘farewell’ for the irst time: they kiss him/her. At this stage the typical symbols of gender (bow and
arrow in case the king has died; spindle and distaf for the queen) are displayed in the hands of the
deceased. Precious garments are also given. While the body is laying in the house (É-ri; maybe in the
royal palace) or next to it,49 some rituals are performed by the Old Woman in order to force the soul
to separate from the body. Apparently some objects belonging to the deceased are destroyed and ire
is lighted on (in an ‘empty space’?).50 After various appeals to the deceased and invocations, some
ritual objects are treated; the ‘ine oil’ is mentioned only in very fragmentary contexts. Presumably
a silver huppar(-bowl?)51 is illed (sūwanza) with ‘ine oil’; something is laid in it (n=as=kan anda
ANA Ì.DÙG.GA kitari)52 and then some procedures are carried out on the corpse,53 hypothetically
involving family members as well, if the term ‘relative’ (hassana-(ssi-)) could be completely restored in
the allegedly related text KUB 39.46, 7’.54 Finally the corpse is temporarily laid to ‘rest’ in the house,
presumably waiting for the mourners to come for wailing.55 A further reference to the ‘ine oil’ can
be found in a likewise fragmentary passage of a reconstructed two-column tablet, (its fragments were
unearthed in the building A of Büyükkale complex in Hattusa), collated by Cem Karasu in Ankara
and presented by Kapełuś (2011: 452, with note 13; Fig. a-b on pages 455-456).56 In light of the
collation, both the events of the irst and the second day of the sallis wastais seem conveyed in one
tablet. Given the state of preservation of these fragments and since the two-column series of building
45 Cf. van den Hout 1994, pages 56-70 in particular.
46 For which see Kassian et al. 2002: 22-40. he classiication of the 60 tablets and fragments edited by the Russian
scholars and presumably all belonging to the sallis wastais has been questioned. Since this issue overpasses the aim of
this brief investigation, we cautiously follow the aforementioned classiication as far as possible. he re-organization
of the corpus initiated by Kapełuś (2008) is only partly taken into account in the present article because it relects a
very provisional stage, as the Polish scholar herself admitted (Kapełuś 2008: 453).
47 See in particular van den Hout 1995.
48 Cf. Kassian et al. 2002: 23. Contra van den Hout 1995: 200-201, who suggests that the symbols of gender and these
mask-shaped objects are put on the statue of the deceased.
49 Maybe in the gate-house. Cf. KUB 39.48, 6’-7’.
50 Kassian et al. (2002: 138-139) translate KUB 39.48, 8’ as follows: “hey b[urn] the empty ire” ([a]n-da sa-an-napí-li pa-ah-hu-ur wa-a[r-nu-an-zi]). he sentence is somewhat meaningless. Furthermore there are no attestations of
any ‘empty ire’! so far. Cf. CHD, ‘P’ s.v. pahhur. In this context the adjective sannapili- has to be used as a noun
(emptiness, empty space, void). Cf. CHD, ‘Š’: 161 f. Hence, the following translation seems more convincing:
“hey [light] on ire in an empty space (dat. sing.)”; possibly in the gate-house. However, judging from the photo
and the handcopy (
), it is problematic to read the preceding line (7’): n=at=kan parā Éhilamni
IZI[…] as Tischler does (HEG, ‘Š/1’: 813). he two last signs before the erasure should be {pí} ( ) and {e} ( ).
Cf. Kassian et al. 2002: 138. Anyway, see the analogous expression in an oracular context (KBo 14.21, ii 73): “[…]
took ire and (it is put?) into the void […]”: IZI ME-as nu=kan anda sanna⌈pi⌉l[i…]. It must be stressed that the
related passage is very fragmentary. herefore, the suggestions made here are only tentative. For the latest treatment
of this fragment (and its join) within the sallis wastais texts corpus see Kapełuś 2011: 151-152.
51 he huppar-bowl/keg is a general pot suitable to be heaped with liquids (usually beer, wine or oil). It can also be
made of precious metals, like silver. In the Hittite Royal Funerary Ritual it always lacks of determinative DUG.
It might be etymologically related to hūppa- (‘heap’); hence to huppae-zi (‘to heap’, ‘to pile up’), but this is very
speculative. See the attestations in HED, ‘H’: 387 f.
52 It is not clear what is really lying in the ‘ine oil’, since the subject of the sentence is a common gender noun (see the
enclitic personal pronoun nom. sing. -as-). van den Hout (1995: 209) translates: “he/it lies in ine oil”.
53 KBo 25.184, iii 68’-74’.
54 According to CHD (‘Š’: 181) it is a duplicate of KBo 25.184, ii 57 f. Nonetheless, it is worth to note the ind-spots:
KBo 25.184: Temple I, Storeroom 45; KUB 39.46: L/18, House on the Slope, West corner, in the ‘Makridi-pit’.
55 KUB 30.18+, iv 9’-11’.
56 Cf. the online edition in the HPM: M. Kapełuś (ed.), hethiter.net/: CTH 450.1.1.1 (TRen 17.08.2011).
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See the joinskizze by Kassian et al. 2002: 257-259.
Kassian et al. 2002: 257.
Kassian et al. 2002: 257, note 3.
Some very broken fragments might refer to the cremation of the body, but they cannot be used as sources. Cf.
KUB 39.29, iv 8’-9’. It is reductive to postulate a scribal error on the basis of other alleged scribal errors in diferent
tablets of the sallis wastais, as Kassian et al. (2002: 282) apparently do. he issue seems more complicated. But see
the diferent interpretations by van den Hout (1995: 196) and Kapełuś (2008: 450-451).
As stated by Kassian et al. (2002: 283), the poorly attested word (URUDU)lāppa- can be interpreted ‘tongs’ (as those
for the ireplace) in light of the omen KUB 8.35, obv. 4-5: apās=kan DUMU-as ÍD-az [hu?-w]a?-an-ta-za IZI-za
lappaza iyattari: ‘he child will escape from river, storm(?) (lit. wind?), ire and tongs (or tongs for ire?)’. See also
the observations by Beckman in StBoT 29: 17. For diferent interpretations (‘scoop’, ‘shovel’), see HED, ‘L’: 60.
It is diicult to reconcile the analysis of GADAkazzarnul by Rössle apud Kassian et al. 2002: 284: kazarnul < karzanul
< karza(n)+ul in light of the quite convincing hypothesis by Melchert (1999): karza(n) = basket (of wool). Moreover
the metathesis development is not completely persuasive. More convincing is Rieken’s hypothesis (StBoT 44: 467)
from a semantic point of view, but phonetically debatable. he matter is too extensive to be treated here. he author
of the present article hopes that the results of his Marie Curie research project on the textile terminology of Hittite
Anatolia (TEXTHA) will soon be available: http://ctr.hum.ku.dk/economy/textha/
For GIŠŠÚ.A.AN!(or -an?) see Kassian et al. 2002: 284-285.
KUB 30.15+, obv. 1-9.
KUB 30.15+, obv. 42-43.
For the possible identiication of this structure with a real tomb (i.e. the ultimate resting place), see, above all, van
den Hout 2002.
KUB 30.15+, obv. 46-50. According to their attestations (CHD, ‘Š’: 304-305) lamps ((DUG)sas(ann)a-) could be
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A could have been copied from one-column originals, it is diicult to reconstruct the events that
encompass the use of ine oil. For what can be reconstructed so far, oil consumption in connection
with treatment of the corpse cannot be excluded.
he events presented in KUB 30.15+ are the most intriguing of the entire sallis wastais for several
reasons.57 he reconstructed one-column tablet should present the events of the third day of the
funerary ritual. According to the Russian scholars who joined the fragments together, the notation
at the very beginning of the main fragment (UD 2KAM = second day) is a very banal scribal error.
his solution was chosen because: “if we suppose that KUB 30.15+ with the duplicates belongs to
the description of the actions of the second day serious diiculties arise in the reconstruction of
the chronology of the actions, performed in this day”.58 Nonetheless, the same notation is found
in the so-called ‘Reduced Description’ of this day (KBo 39.289). In this case too, the editors
advocated an ‘uncritical copy’ by the scribe.59 At any rate a clear and comprehensive description
of the cremation of the body does not exist within the sallis wastais textual corpus.60 In fact, the
alleged third day’s description starts with post-cremation procedures. he bones are retrieved from
the pyre by women. he pyre is extinguished with the help of wine, beer and other liquids. hey
take the bones with silver tongs,61 and they put them into a silver huppar-bowl of twenty minae
and a half of weight, illed with ine oil (Ì.DÙG.DA suwan). hen they take them out of the ine
oil and lay them down on kazzarnul-linen and a ine cloth (TÚG.SIG) is laid under that linen.62
When they have inished gathering the bones, they wrap them in the ine cloth together with the
linen (QADU GADA); presumably to inish absorbing the oil. hereupon they place them on
the throne;63 but if it is a woman (i.e. if the queen has died), they put them on a bench(?).64 After
having set a meal for those who helped to gather the bones, the statue of the deceased is located
in the centre of the extinguished pyre and decorated according to the gender of the dead. From
then on the rituals’ sequence involving the soul of the deceased begins, represented by the wooden
statue that will partake in meals and rites. Meanwhile they pour ine oil on the cremation spot
with the residual ashes of the dead (i.e. ‘the body natural’, to be distinguished from the ‘body
politic’ of the king or queen).65 Subsequently they gather the bones and bring them out of the
cremation spot. hey carry them into his or her ‘stone-house’ (É.NA4).66 hey spread a bed inside
the inner chamber of the ‘stone-house’. hen they take the bones from the throne and put them
onto the spread bed. On that moment they set a lamp of [x] shekels (illed) with ine oil before the
bones.67 As already pointed out by Hofner (1995: 110), if one of the properties of the ‘ine oil’ is
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The use of (perfumed) oil in Hittite rituals with particular emphasis
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to be perfumed, then its fragrance might have been considered appropriate, as would incense, in a
funerary setting. Indeed, there are many other Hittite contexts in which diferent kinds of oil were
burned to produce pleasant odors.68
On the seventh day they give hand-water to the seated statue and “drip ‘ine oil’ inside” (n=asta
Ì.DÙG.GA anda zapnuwa[nzi]).69 he expression is quite puzzling. Probably they blend oil with
water, actually trickling ine oil in it, if the sentence particle -asta marks here the passage from one
spatial domain into another domain.70 In the same day the rite of the ‘burning (of ) the straw’ takes
place as clearly indicated in the colophon: 1 IM.GÍD.DA ezzan warnuma‹s›: “One large tablet
(i.e. a one column tablet) of the burning (of ) the straw”.71 he statue of the deceased is brought
out of his house while they (literally) burn the straw (ezzan) inside the gate-house (Éhi[lamni]
anda) together with one set of precious garments and one pot of ‘ine oil’. Given the context,
it is reasonable to suppose that this kind of procedures should be accounted for within the rite
of separation: the soul of the dead is lead out of his/her house and the deceased’s possessions are
burnt. If so, the straw has to be interpreted here as an idiomatic expression for the (material) goods
(of the deceased).72 Hence, the main function of the ine oil is to purify these objects.
he rite of separation between the soul of the dead and the ‘world’ that belonged to him/her
(in this case his/her possessions) continues in the following days. On the twelfth day the ritual
performers hold forth (parā appanzi) one set of precious garments (to?) the deceased (akkan‹ti›)
(and) one vessel of baked clay (with) ine oil. hen they put the garments in the ireplace and pour
the ine oil on it.73 he following day, after the main meal, they pour ine oil from above onto the
wine.74 hen the statue of the deceased is given to drink.
According to the reconstruction of the events provided by the Russian editors of the ‘comprehensive’
sallis wastais ritual, during the night between the 13th and 14th day (maybe the conclusive) the ritual
performers stay awake. It is indeed one of the crucial moments of the rite of passage: liminality.
he soul is disoriented. It is no longer belonging to the world of the living, but has not yet begun
the transition to the world of the dead. It stands at the threshold.
Just after the ritual libation, in order to persuade the soul to leave and go to the underworld, the
next ritual is performed: a ritual performer smears (iskizzi) a rope (sum(m)anza(n)-) with ine oil
and throws it into the ireplace. At that moment the mourners appeal to the deceased: “When
you will go into the meadow (Ú.SAL-wa),75 do not pull the rope!”.76 If the soul is not appeased, it
could not reach the land of the dead; hence it would wander dangerously in the land of the living.
his is the main reason why the rope which leads the soul of the deceased into the realm of the
loaded both with oil and ghee.
68 See the list of passages in Hofner 1995: 112.
69 Here again the problem of the enumeration of the days is presented. In the main fragment [144/m] (KUB 39.4, obv.
1) the Russian scholars read UD ⌞8⌟KAM (without collation!) and propose to emend 7!, in line with the reconstruction
of the events on the basis of the enumeration by days (Kassian et al. 2002: 334). It must be stressed that looking at
) the number ‘8’ seems more clearly recognizable than the sign in the
the signs in the autography of Otten (
photo of the original in the HPM: http://tinyurl.com/lu6xuay.
here is no room in the present article to open a discussion on the value of the signs at the bottom of the colophons
as markers for the enumeration of the tablets. Cf. Kassian et al. 2002: 282, note 1; van den Hout 1995: 196, with
note 9. For this kind of problems we await the oicial publication of W. Waal he source as object. Studies in Hittite
diplomatics (PhD. thesis defended at Leiden University, 14 September 2010).
70 Cf. GrHL: 383, § 28.114.
71 KUB 30.25+, rev. 29.
72 Cf. HED, ‘A-E’: 321-322, s.v. ezzan, izzan.
73 KUB 30.19 (+) 30.22, i 51-54. We may suppose that these garments belonged to the king or queen, since they are
‘festive/precious garments’ (TÚGNÍG.LÁMMEŠ). If so, they are presented (shown!) to the deceased before being burnt.
74 Note the strange construction: [nu=ssan namma GIŠgapanu)]was (not dat.-loc.!) ser Ì.DÙG.GA lahūwanzi.
75 On the eighth day the ritual of the ‘piece of turf ’ is performed. It is cut of and presented to the Sungod in order
to prevent anybody to take it away from the deceased. It actually represents the meadow where oxen, sheep, horses
and mules graze for the deceased. Cf. Kassian et al. 2002: 383-385.
76 KUB 30.19+, iv 10-14.
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dead has to be smeared with ‘ine oil’.
As we have seen in this part, the ‘ine oil’ is an essential ritual element from the very beginning of
the funerary ritual until its conclusion. he ways in which the oil acts in this sequence of microrituals are multiple: the oil is used both to protect the carnal remains of the deceased, to purify the
ritual objects, to appease the gods and the soul of the deceased and inally to lead the soul itself to
ind its way in the new realm, not being anguished in leaving the realm of the living.
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As already pointed out in Part 2, the oil terminology in Hittite documentation partly relects the
use of logograms in Mesopotamian texts. his implies that the Sumerograms used by the Hittites
to designate oil products could not bear the same semantic connotation they have in older (or even
contemporary) Mesopotamian texts.
Moreover, the ritual formulas in the passages given as example in Part 3 have to be interpreted
as belonging to an old literary tradition. In fact, we can ind the same expressions related to the
particular use of oils in many Mesopotamian texts.77
As a result of this brief investigation on the use of ‘ine oil’ in Hittite funerary ritual(s), we cannot
assume that (ine) oil was used only because of some speciic properties (e.g. for its fragrance).
A deeper analysis of similar texts belonging to diferent milieux (Babylonia, Assyria, Ugarit, etc.) is
not conducted here due to the scope of the present article and the substantial number of sources
that would have to be carefully checked.
Even so, we conclude this study by presenting two case-studies. he irst illustrates how the
epigraphic sources must be carefully analyzed starting from their contexts. On the other hand, the
second is meant to be a suggestive indication of possible comparative studies, so often neglected,
of oil consumption in funerary rituals.
In his interesting work entitled Exchange of Ideas in the Eastern Mediterranean during the 14th and
13th centuries BC: the case of perfumed oil use and ideology, Ioannis Fappas briely illustrates the
practice of the last anointment performed during funerary rituals. In so doing, he reports two
passages from two distinct texts.78 he irst passage belongs to the sallis wastais and pertains the
treatment with ine oil of the bones of the deceased king or queen (for this passage, see above, Part
4). he latter is a very important text coming from Ugarit and labelled ‘(Juste) Soufrant’ by its
irst editor.79 RS 25.460 is a very peculiar text written in Akkadian that was discovered within the
library of an incantation priest at Ugarit (modern Ras Shamra, Syria). On the basis of linguistic
analysis, some scholars have suggested that it may have been originally composed during the Old
Babylonian or early Cassite periods (1800-1500 BC). his means that the 13th century tablet
might be a copy of a text that is two to ive hundred years older.80 he text is a combination of a
hymn and incantation addressed to the god Marduk by an unnamed suferer. In this composition
the suferer describes the ‘evil’ and illness that continue to assail him. No one is able to diagnose the
cause of his illness. he suferer calls to praise Marduk and his deeds in order to be recovered. he
inal part (stanza C, lines 34-41) describes Marduk’s responsibility for his illness, while underlining
the involvement of the deity in the process of healing: “he one who struck me down has had
mercy on me. He threw me down and girded me. He broke me and tore me loose. He scattered
me and collected me together. He poured me out and gathered me up. From the mouth of death
he snatched me. From the underworld he brought me up”. he text inishes with the solemn
declaration that Marduk is the only one able to heal the suferer. It is therefore clear that this text
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5. Concluding Remarks
See the list of attestations in CAD, ‘Š/1’: 321-330 s.v. šamnu.
Fappas 2011: 502.
Nougayrol 1968: 265-273.
Cf. Nougayrol 1968: 266-267; von Soden 1969.
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has nothing to do with any funerary ritual practice. For its contents and for the literary structure
the text has, for obvious reasons, been compared by biblical scholars to the Book of Job.81 Some
years ago Aaron Chalmers found interesting parallels between certain structures and language of
RS 25.460 (especially lines 34-44) and other texts from the Hebrew Bible that he characterized
as ‘early Hebrew Poetry’.82 We have no competence to judge such a characterization. What is
highly debatable is, however, the conclusion he drew. He abruptly moved from an interesting
observation of a linguistic parallel to a theological point.83 Anyhow, these studies have, to a large
extent, demonstrated the remote origin and fortune of this very particular composition. What is
interesting for us is that in a moving passage the suferer states: “My closest relatives preach me to
accept my condition. My family is there to comfort me. My brothers bathe in their blood, such
if it is their own misery. My women pour perfumed oil on my corpse, already prepared for the
tomb”.84 he insertion of the inal anointment is extremely illustrative of the difusion of such a
motif in the ancient Near Eastern literature. It actually marks the border between what can be
considered ritual practice and literary formulas of a collective tradition.
he second case we want to bring to the readers’ attention is the description of the funerary of
Patroclus as described in Homeric poetry.85
Before starting to analyze the relevant passages it is worth underlining that:
1. he Homeric representation of funerary practices probably traces its origin back to a large poetic
tradition;
2. It does not present any real, concrete, or even prescriptive funerary ritual performance, as the
sallis wastais may well do;
3. As far as we know, it does not relect any funerary practices performed at the time of the
canonical redaction of the ‘Homeric’ epic poetry (perhaps around 700 BC).86
4. he archaeological evidence of the Late Bronze Age Greek mainland and islands (hence,
‘Mycenaean’) has demonstrated that the most consistent funerary practice is inhumation.87
As already stressed by Ian Rutherford, who recently worked on this subject, a number of Hittitologists
have attempted to study the two funerary rituals (Patroclus’ and the sallis wastais) in a comparative
perspective.88 In line with the general criticism (e.g. Testart 2005), Rutherford analyzes diferent
passages of Book XXIII of the Iliad and concludes: “Certainly, the two performances share a
few key details related to the cremation and the disposal of the bones…I suspect a large number
of similar funerary performances are attested in a wide range of societies”.89 he last assertion
is completely true. One just needs to consult the fundamental study of van Gennep Les rites
de Passage to ind a universe of parallel funerary practices, apparently distant in time and space
from those we are dealing with; here just one of many: “Among rites of separation, some of
which have already been reviewed, it is appropriate to conclude: the various procedures by which
the corpse is transported outside; burning tools; the house; the jewels; the deceased’s possession;
putting to death the deceased’s wives, slaves, or favorite animals; washings, anointings, and rites of
puriication in general; and taboos of all sorts”.90
81
82
83
84
85
86
87
88
89
90
34
See, among others, Gray 1970.
Chalmers 2004.
Chalmers 2004: 9.
RS.25.460, 9-12.
Iliad, Book XXIII.
To the contrary: from an archaeological point of view, the only feature that (Proto-)Geometric funerary custom
shares with the Late Bronze Age sallis wastais is the cremation of the body, at least in some areas. Unfortunately
we have not had the opportunity to carefully consult the primary sources. So, we trustfully follow Rutherford’s
considerations (2007: 227, with note 18). It means that further studies on this are highly desirable.
Once again, we report more than secondary sources. Cf. Rutherford 2007: 227.
Rutherford 2007: 229, with note 34.
Rutherford 2007: 229-230. Rutherford (2007: 231) also sketches a table in which the diferent moments of the two
funerary rituals are compared. Nonetheless, several parallel ritual performances can be added to that table.
van Gennep 1975: 164.
Matteo Vigo, CTR-University of Copenhagen
he funeral of Patroclus consists of diferent moments in time; it begins with the driving of chariots
around the corpse (Iliad XXIII, 12-13) and a feast with ritual sacriices (XXIII, 24-34). he next
morning the Myrmidons transport the body to the pyre covering the body with their hair (XXIII,
123-151). At the sunset, they build the pyre, put the corpse on top of it and sacriice sheep and
cattle (XXIII, 162-167). “And from them all (i.e. the sacriiced animals), the great-souled Achilles
gathered the fat, and enfolded the dead therein from head to foot, and about him heaped the
layed bodies. And thereon he set two-handled jars of honey and oil, leaning them against the beer;
and four horses with high arched necks he cast swiftly upon the pyre, groaning aloud the while”
(XXIII, 168-171). During the night he pours libations of wine and invokes the spirit of Patroclus
(XXIII, 184-225). When the new day dawns: “the son of Peleus withdrew apart from the burning
pyre, and laid him down sore-wearied; and sweet sleep leapt upon him. But they that were with
the son of Atreus gathered in a throng, and the noise and din of their oncoming aroused him;
and he sat upright and spoke to them saying: «Son of Atreus, and ye other princes of the hosts of
Achaea, irst quench ye with laming wine the burning pyre, even all whereon the might of the
ire has come, and thereafter let us gather the bones of Patroclus, Menoetius’ son, singling them
out well from the rest»; and easy they are to discern, for he lay in the midst of the pyre, while the
others burned apart on the edges thereof, horses and men mingled together. «hen let us place
the bones in a golden urn wrapped in a double layer of fat (καὶ τὰ μὲν ἐν χρυσέῃ φιάλῃ καὶ δίπλακι
δημῷ θείομεν) until such time as I myself be hidden in Hades»” (XXIII, 231-244).
We believe that approaching these texts in a comparative perspective with merely sterile criticism
is simply too reductive.
he analogies between the ine oil consumption in the sallis wastais and the ritual use of oil and
fat (δημός) in the funeral of Patroclus need further considerations in a concrete interdisciplinary
perspective. Hence, we hope that in the future the discipline of archaeology will help us in bridging
the information we can deduce from the study of the epigraphic sources. It does not really take a
Jungian ‘Archetype’ to do so: “It is very dangerous, it is risky, that everything is politics, everything
is ideology. here are cultural actions, there is religion, it is more complicated I think than to just
state that material culture is ideology or burial practices are politics, because that means that we
don’t care about texts, that we don’t care about a lot of stuf, also about memory”.91
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‘Journal of Intercultural and
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šamnam iptašašma awīli īwe
“He anointed himself with ine oil and became a civilized being”
Gilgameš epic, Pennsylvania Tablet, OB II 108
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91 Citing Laneri’s remarks (Laneri 2007: 315) in the ‘Conclusive Discussion’ of the Symposium on social analyses of
funerary traditions held at the Oriental Institute, 17-18 February 2006.
35
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The use of (perfumed) oil in Hittite rituals with particular emphasis
on funerary practices
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Journal of Intercultural and Interdisciplinary Archaeology
Oils and embalming balms from the tombs TT14 and M.I.D.A.N.05
at Dra Abu el-Naga (Luxor-Egypt)
Federica Facchetti
(Dipartimento di Civiltà Forme e Sapere, University of Pisa, Italy)
federica_facchetti@hotmail.com
Erika Ribechini
(Dipartimento di Chimica e Chimica Industriale, University of Pisa, Italy)
erika.ribechini@unipi.it
Marilina Betrò
(Dipartimento di Civiltà Forme e Sapere, University of Pisa, Italy)
betro@sta.unipi.it
Maria Perla Colombini
(Dipartimento di Chimica e Chimica Industriale, University of Pisa, Italy)
Istituto per la Conservazione e Valorizzazione dei Beni Culturali, CNR Firenze
perla@dcci.unipi.it
1
2
Founded by Antonella D’Ascoli in 2003
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Oils, resins, and ointments had very wide use in ancient Egypt, especially in funerary contexts.
he use of these substances is both attested by textual sources, visual arts and archaeological
evidence in mummiication, as votive oferings or poured on the grave goods, and in pre-and
post-burial rituals such as the Opening of the Mouth or the Osirian rites.
Two papyri give information about their use in mummiication, one in the Louvre (Pap. Louvre
5.158), another one found by Mariette in hebes (P. Boulaq III), both dating to the Roman Period
but concerning previous embalming rituals. 1 he corpse, ater washing it, removing organs
and drying it with natron, was sprinkled with oils, scents and resins. All parts of the body were
scented separately by lots of diferent oils and resins. Until Middle Kingdom (irst part of the 2nd
millennium B.C.) mummiication balms were spread on the face, eyes included, while, for the
remaining parts, only bandages were soaked. Since the 18th dynasty (about 1500 B.C.), resins
started to be used inside the body, in particular inside cranium and in subcutaneous areas.
Priests, while anointing the body with resins, recite magic and ritual spells. Both incantations
and resins are in fact necessary for the rebirth of the dead. Each oil and essence has a speciic
function, such as the ointment nekhenem which beautiies the body, the ladanum which
stimulates the heart and encourages it in its journey to the aterlife or the essence of pine
ach which protects it from its enemies. he head is the irst part to be perfumed with oil of
frankincense, to give it the scent of the god. hen the process requires ten further anointments
performed on other parts of the body, using the ointments of the ceremony of the Opening of
the Mouth. he head is anointed again with a consolidating substance having myrrh powder
and liquid juniper resin as a base in order to “rattacher la tête et (…) rattacher le visage”. 2 he 7
sacred oils, whose original composition we do not know, except for some information on their
‘Journal of Intercultural and
Interdisciplinary A rchaeology’
Introduction
Goyon, J.-C. 1972. Rituels funéraires de l‘ancienne égypte. Paris, 21-22
Goyon, J.-C. 1972. Rituels funéraires de l‘ancienne égypte. Paris, 54
39
Oils and embalming balms from the tombs TT14 and M.I.D.A.N.05
at Dra Abu el-Naga (Luxor-Egypt)
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manufacture, are among the oils used in this ceremony. he main source of information are here
again later texts, those of the so-called Laboratory of the temple of Edfu, dating to the Ptolemaic
period. We know that they were not used undiluited, but mixed with other substances, and
their preparation was known only to a few Maitres-Parfumeurs. hese oils, whose number will
increase in time up to 10, as already said were also used during the ceremony of the Opening
of the Mouth in order to restore life to the seven oriices of the head. From the New Kingdom
the Opening of the Mouth ritual begins to be accomplished in the grave, initially only on the
statues, and later on the mummies.
his ritual was not the only one involving oils and resins: Julia Budka assumes that the beakers
and cups containing residues of resins and incense, dating back to the irst millennium BC and
found in heban tombs, were used during rituals for the worship of Osiris. 3 What seems to
suggest a cultic function is their discovery in open courts or underground rooms related to cultic
libation, as well as their association in some case with libation vessels. In some cases they were also
found near the body of the deceased, supporting an ofering function. Julia Budka recognises the
same vessels in Umm el Gaab in relation to the worship of Osiris. 4 his cult grew in importance
in hebes, in the irst millennium BC, and this appears to be, in the scholar’s opinion, the very
reason for a change in burial customs which afects not only the architecture of the tomb but also
its grave goods and funerary rituals: the tomb becomes a temple for the deceased who enters the
world of Osiris. he transformation could therefore also explain the use of moving the so-called
embalming caches outside the tomb, starting from the hird Intermediate Period. he embalming
caches are deposits of mummiication waste products, placed in coins of little value (Type A) or in
clay pots (Type B). 5 As precious substances, they were buried, but out of the tomb, 6 and therefore
far from the dead, because they were impure.7
TT 14 e M.I.D.A.N.05
he archaeological mission of the University of Pisa directed by Marilina Betrò started, in
2003, the excavation of heban Tomb 14 (TT 14), located on the East side of the main hill of Dra
Abu el-Naga, in the necropolis of ancient hebes ( Luxor- Egypt ) (ig.1). 8
3
4
5
6
7
8
40
Budka, J. 2010. he use of pottery in funerary contexts during the Libyan and Late Period. In Bareš, L., Coppens,
F., Smoláriková, K. (eds)., Egypt in Transition. Social and Religious Development of Egypt in the First Millenium BCE,
Proceedings of an International Conference, Prague, September 1-4, 2009. Prague, 44
Budka, J. 2010. he use of pottery in funerary contexts during the Libyan and Late Period. In Bareš, L., Coppens,
F., Smoláriková, K. (eds)., Egypt in Transition. Social and Religious Development of Egypt in the First Millenium BCE,
Proceedings of an International Conference, Prague, September 1-4, 2009. Prague, 44
Aston, D. 2011. tA p Xrt wty he Saqqara embalmers caches reconsidered; typology and chronology. In Aston,
D, Bader, B., Gallorini, C., Nicholson, P., Buckingham, S. (eds.), Under the potter’s tree. Studies on Ancient Egypt
presented to Janine Bourriau on the Occasion of her 70th Birthday. Leuven-Paris-Walpole, 49
Aston, D. 2003. he heban West Bank from the Twenty-ifth Dynasty to the Ptolemaic Period. In Strudwick, N.,
Taylor, J. H. (eds). he heban necropolis: past, present and future. London, 154-55; Budka, J. 2006. Deponierungen
von Balsamierungsmaterial im spätzeitlichen heben (Ägypten). Befund, Kontext und Versuch einer Deutung.
In Roeder, H., Mylonopoulos, J. (eds.), Archäeologie und Ritual. Auf der Suche nach der rituellen Handlung in den
antiken Kulturen Ägyptens und Griechenlands. Vienna, 86-7
Bataille, A. 1952. Les Memnonia. Le Caire, 215
Betrò, M. 2004. Excavation of heban Tomb 14 (Huy) at Dra Abu el-Naga (Gurna - Luxor). Preliminary Report
(season 2003). Egitto e Vicino Oriente 27, 45-60; Betrò, M. 2007. MIDAN. Missione Archeologica Italiana a Dra
Abu el-Naga (Gurna – Luxor). VI Campagna, (Novembre 2006). RISE 3, 55-60; Betrò, M. 2010. Rapporto
preliminare sulla X campagna di scavo dell’Università di Pisa nella necropoli tebana (Dra Abu el-Naga). Campagna
novembre-dicembre 2010. RISE 5, 33-41, tav. I-II; Betrò, M., Del Vesco, P. 2006. Dra Abu el-Naga (Gurna, Luxor
- Egitto) Campagne III-IV (2004-2005). Egitto e Vicino Oriente 29, 5-64; Betrò, M., Del Vesco, P., Miniaci, G.
2009. Seven seasons at Dra Abu el-Naga. he tomb of Huy (TT 14): preliminary results, Pisa; Betrò, M., Del Vesco,
P., Miniaci, G. 2009. Egitto, la necropoli di Tebe. Athenet 28, 12-15; Betrò M. in http://sta.humnet.unipi.it/index.
php?id=43
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Federica Facchetti, Erika Ribechini, Marilina Betrò, Maria Perla Colombini
9
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he archaeological investigation of the tomb, still in progress, led, in 2004, to the discovery
of another small tomb dating to the hird Intermediate- Saitic Period (tomb E), and a third
grave, labelled “M.I.D.A.N.05” by the acronym of the mission (Missione Italiana a Dra abu elNaga) (ig.2). he three tombs had been completely sealed in the past by alluvial deposit, with
the exception of a room of TT 14, already cleared in the early twentieth century: the rare but
violent storms afecting sometimes the desert in the heban region, channeled by wadi, in fact
lood the necropolis with alluvial
deposit, accumulated in layers in
the graves. he lash loods not
only damaged much of the existing
organic matter, but also ruined
part of the paintings decorating
the walls, adding their devastating
action to that of time and looters,
both ancient and modern (19th
century and beginning of 20th).
When archaeological investigations
in Pisa concession started, only
the paintings in the chapel of TT
14 and a small part of those in the
hall of MIDAN.05 were intact. his
combination of factors prevents so Figure 2. Plan of tombs TT 14 and M.I.D.A.N.05 (Photo of the Misfar to know the name of the irst
sione Italiana a Dra Abu el-Naga (reproduced with permission of prof. Marilina Betrò).
owner of MIDAN.05, but both
9
some elements in its plan and the
‘Journal of Intercultural and
Interdisciplinary A rchaeology’
Figure 1. View of the area. On the let TT 14, on the right M.I.D.A.N.05 and a part of the courtyard (Photo of the
Missione Italiana a Dra Abu el-Naga (reproduced with permission of prof. Marilina Betrò).
Betrò, M., Del Vesco, P. 2006. Dra Abu el-Naga (Gurna, Luxor - Egitto) Campagne III-IV (2004-2005). Egitto e
Vicino Oriente 29, 25
41
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Oils and embalming balms from the tombs TT14 and M.I.D.A.N.05
at Dra Abu el-Naga (Luxor-Egypt)
discovery of fragmented rishi coins10 allow to date the construction of the tomb within the
end of the 17th and the beginning of 18th dynasty (second half of the 16th century BC). he
tomb has been used for many centuries, until the Roman period.
As for TT 14, which is slighlty more recent, the inscriptions, still preserved, allow us to know
the name of its owner, Huy, a priest assigned to the cult of the deiied king Amenhotep I, who
lived in the Ramesside period (13th/11th century BC). he tomb of Huy, also, was used - or reused
- for some centuries. he latest occupation, though, does not go beyond the Late Period (7th - 4th
century BC).
Nowadays, MIDAN.05 has been completed investigated, except for a part of its courtyard
and for a funerary shaft located there, in front of the southern part of the façade, found in 2011.
Digs in TT14 are still in progress and, moreover, at least two further tombs, whose entrance was
found in 2010, are yet to be explored.
Figure 3. Federica Facchetti during the samples of organic residues from pottery (Photo of the Missione Italiana a
Dra Abu el-Naga (reproduced with permission of prof. Marilina Betrò).
Chemical investigations on organic residues from the two tombs.
he archaeological samples
Chemical investigation has been carried out on samples of organic residues found in pots (ig.3) or
mummies retrieved in the tombs MIDAN.05 and TT14, and belonging to diferent periods: from the
hird Intermediate Period to the Roman era (11th/ century BC -2nd/3rd century AD). 11
In particular, two samples were taken from a mummy, one from the thorax and one from the
abdomen, while the samples of organic compounds contained in vessels come from a Phoenician
10 Betrò, M., Del Vesco, P., Miniaci, G. 2009. Egitto, la necropoli di Tebe. Athenet 28,13; Miniaci, G. 2011. Rishi
Coins and the funerary culture of Second Intermediate Period Egypt, London, 75-76, 311-12.
11 Facchetti, F., 2007. Caratterizzazione tramite GC-MS di residui organici rinvenuti nelle tombe TT14 e
MIDAN.05. In Betrò, M., Del Vesco, P., Ghiroldi, A., Preliminary report on the University of Pisa 2007 season
in TT14 and M.I.D.A.N.05. Egitto e Vicino Oriente XXX, 36-38
42
Founded by Antonella D’Ascoli in 2003
12 Lippi, B. 2006. he human skeletal remains: a preliminary anthropological and paleopathological investigation. In
Betrò, M., Del Vesco, P., Dra Abu el-Naga (Gurna, Luxor - Egitto) Campagne III-IV (2004-2005). Egitto e Vicino
Oriente XXIX, 47
13 Guidotti, M. C. 2006. Esame preliminare della ceramica proveniente da TT 14 e MIDAN.05. In Betrò, M., Del
Vesco, P., Dra Abu el-Naga (Gurna, Luxor - Egitto) Campagne III-IV (2004-2005). Egitto e Vicino Oriente XXIX,
40 n. 15. Cfr. Hölscher, U. 1954. he excavation of Medinet Habu V Post Ramessid remains. Chicago, n. I tav. 47;
Myśliwiec, K. 1987. Keramik und Kleinfunde aus der Grabung im Tempel Sethos I. in Gurna. Mainz, n. 394 p. 60;
Béout, P., Gabolde, M., Grataloup, C., Jaubert, O. 1993 Fouilles dans le secteur Nord-Ouest du temple d’Amon-Re.
CahKarn IX, n. 50 p. 199; Aston, D. 1996. Egyptian Pottery of the Late New Kingdom and hird Intermediate Period
(Twelfth- Seventh Centuries). Heidelberg, 242 n. 795; Aston, D. 1997. he pottery in G. T. Martin, he tomb of Tia and
Tia. A royal monument of the Ramesside Period in the Memphite necropolis. London, pl. 126 n. 215a; Hamza, O. 1997.
Qedua. CCE V, 81 tav. X; Aston, D. 1999. Elephantine XIX Pottery from the Late New Kingdom to the Early Ptolemaic
Period. Mainz, tav.72 nn.2044-2045; Lecuyot, G. 2007. Amphores provenant de hèbes-Ouest de la Basse Époque à
l‘époque copte. CCE VIII, ig. I 1-2.
© 2014
amphora, two amphorae with waste products of the embalming process, a balsamarium and a beaker.
he GC-MS analyses were carried out in collaboration with Erika Ribechini at the Laboratory of
Organic Chemistry of the Department of Chemistry and Industrial Chemistry of University of Pisa,
directed by Maria Perla Colombini.
he original context and disposition of pots and mummiied bodies found during the excavation
is not always easy to reconstruct because of the alternating events through the history of the tomb:
irst, its constant reuse, often resulting in a shift of the grave goods, then -and more impacting- the
devastation caused by loods and looters. he mud and debris low in some cases invaded the two
tombs with such a violence to destroy everything on its path, in particular vessels, whose fragments
were scattered throughout the loor. Looters entered the tombs both in ancient and in recent times,
but especially the latter disturbed the original contexts.
Modern thieves in fact had to dig their way through
the thick compact layers of mud and limestone lakes
carried into the tombs by the loods, upsetting part of
the original stratigraphy and context. What remains
of them and the distribution of the vessels fragments,
however, allow to argue in many cases their original
place.
he mummiied body had been found in the
transversal hall of MIDAN.05, a location which is
not surprising, belonging to one of its reusage phases.
he context of its retrieval - alluvial deposits - and the
location, almost on the axis of the main door of the
tomb, could also suggest that it had come, with parts
of his coin, from the outside, transported by the
mud loods. he anthropological examination showed
that the mummiied individual was a male with an
estimated mature adult age (35-50 years). Over his
left femur the remains of a child aged 8 months - 1
year were found, wrapped in bandages. 12
Several fragments of a painted coin were
found along with the body, belonging to a
type dating back to the inal part of the 21st
dynasty (beginning of the irst millennium BC).
Figure 4. he amphora with embalming
In
the same transversal hall of MIDAN.05 was also
material found in MIDAN.05 (Photo
found the Phoenician amphora, dating back to a
of the Missione Italiana a Dra Abu
el-Naga (reproduced with permission period between the 6th and 5th centuries BC. 13 One
of prof. Marilina Betrò).
of the two amphorae (ig.4) containing the waste
‘Journal of Intercultural and
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Federica Facchetti, Erika Ribechini, Marilina Betrò, Maria Perla Colombini
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Oils and embalming balms from the tombs TT14 and M.I.D.A.N.05
at Dra Abu el-Naga (Luxor-Egypt)
products of the embalming process, datable to the centuries between the hird Intermediate Period
and the 25th dynasty (9th - 7th century BC.),14 was found in the long corridor perpendicular to the
transversal hall, and precisely behind a plastered stone wall, probably built to give a more regular
rectangular shape to the bottom of the room, which had not been possible to obtain by cutting
the rock. he absence of additional grave goods and the small size of the space make unlikely to
assume that it had been used as a burial place.
As for the balsamarium (ig.5) and the beaker (ig.6), they were found in one of the burial
TT14.06
783
Figure 5. he balsamarium (Photo of the
Missione Italiana a Dra Abu el-Naga
(reproduced with permission of prof.
Marilina Betrò).
TT14.06
785
Figure 6. he beaker (Photo of the Missione Italiana a Dra
Abu el-Naga (reproduced with permission of prof.
Marilina Betrò).
chambers dug out at the bottom of the funerary shaft.15 Both date to the Roman period16 and were
found along with others in the same room. Other beakers still contained some organic residues,
and some of them bore inscriptions on their sides which allow to attribute them the function
of plant/oicinal herbs containers.17 In particular, one beaker had a demotic inscription: Asr (?)
r irp (“Tamarisk (?) added to wine”), another one a hieratic one: isw SA (“swamp reed”). hey
are oicinal plants, the irst of which was added to wine. In this regard it is possible to argue a
connection with the fragment of a third beaker with a demotic inscription: hn 1/6, that indicates
therefore a measure of capacity for liquids.
he four burial chambers retain traces of both the most ancient and the most recent use of
14 Facchetti, F., 2007. Caratterizzazione tramite GC-MS di residui organici rinvenuti nelle tombe TT14 e MIDAN.05.
In Betrò, M., Del Vesco, P.Ghiroldi, A., Preliminary report on the University of Pisa 2007 season in TT14 and
M.I.D.A.N.05. Egitto e Vicino Oriente XXX, 36-38. Cfr. French, P. 1987. Late dynastic pottery from the vicinity of
the south tombs in B. Kemp, Amarna Reports III, Occasional publications 4. London, ig. 9.21.4; Redford, D. 1994.
he Akhenaten temple project. he excavation of Kom el-Ahmar and environs vol. III, Aegypti texta propositaque 2.
University of Pennsylvania, Pl. LXVI n. 4
15 Facchetti, F., 2007. Caratterizzazione tramite GC-MS di residui organici rinvenuti nelle tombe TT14 e MIDAN.05.
In Betrò, M., Del Vesco, P., Ghiroldi, A.. Preliminary report on the University of Pisa 2007 season in TT14 and
M.I.D.A.N.05. Egitto e Vicino Oriente XXX, 36-38. Cfr. Myers, O. H., Fairman, H. W. 1931. Excavations at
Armant, 1929-31. JEA 17, Pl. XLVI n. 405
16 Facchetti F., Ribechini E., Betrò M., Colombini M. P. 2012. Organic residues analysis: the case of becker found in
heban Necropolis (Egypt). International Journal of Conservation Science, vol. 3, Issue, 259-264. Cfr. Mostafa, M.
F. 1985. Erster Vorbericht über die Arbeiten im Grabe des Mahu (heben No. 257). ASAE 70, Taf. II n. a
17 Betrò M. C., Facchetti F., Guidotti M. C., Menchetti A. 2008. Vasi con iscrizioni demotiche e ieratiche dalla tomba
M.I.D.A.N.05. Egitto e Vicino Oriente XXXI, 97.
44
Federica Facchetti, Erika Ribechini, Marilina Betrò, Maria Perla Colombini
20.6 cm
the tomb. In one of these chambers, in fact, fragments of sarcophagi rishi (16th century BC.
approximately) and vessels from the Roman period (2nd/ -3rd century AD) have been found. In
particular, the beaker and the unguentarium were found in a recess around 80 cm wide, 25 cm
deep and 55 cm high, whose base is about
35 cm higher than the room loor, not far
from the entrance. he context of inding
seems to be the original one, despite the
looters disturbing action. Finally, the second
amphora (ig.7), dating from the Saite period
(7th/ -6th century BC)18 and containing the
waste products of the embalming process, was
found in TT14, in a very low room or loculus
cut into the rock during a later enlargement
of the tomb, probably at the same time as the
amphora (7th/ -6th century BC).
18 Guidotti, M. C. 2006. Esame preliminare della ceramica proveniente da TT 14 e MIDAN.05. In Betrò, M., Del
Vesco, P., Dra Abu el-Naga (Gurna, Luxor - Egitto) Campagne III-IV (2004-2005). Egitto e Vicino Oriente XXIX,
40 n. 11. Cfr. Aston, D. 1996. Egyptian Pottery of the Late New Kingdom and hird Intermediate Period (TwelfthSeventh Centuries), Heidelberg, n. 777 240 n. 778 245; Anus, P., Saad, R. 1971. Habitation de prêtres dans le temple
d’Amon à Karnak. KÊMI 21, nn. 244-61 ig.19; Béout, P., Gabolde, M., Grataloup, C., Jaubert, O. 1993. Fouilles
dans le secteur Nord-Ouest du temple d’Amon-Re. CahKarn IX, n. 19 195
19 Modugno, F., Ribechini, E., Colombini M.P. 2006. Aromatic resin characterization by gas chromatography–mass
spectrometry: Raw and archaeological materials. J. Chromatogr. A 1134, 298-304.
Founded by Antonella D’Ascoli in 2003
© 2014
he GC/MS analytical procedure19 can
be summarised as follows: a sub-sample (1-3
mg) of the vessel contents was subjected
to alkaline hydrolysis by adding 1 ml of
Figure 7. he amphora with embalming material found
methanolic KOH [KOH CH3OH (10%
in TT 14 (Photo of the Missione Italiana a Dra
Abu el-Naga (reproduced with permission of prof. weight)/ KOH H O (10% weight), 2:3],
2
Marilina Betrò).
and heating at 60°C for 3 h. After hydrolysis,
neutral organic components were extracted with n-hexane (3 x 500 μl) and, after acidiication
with hydrochloric acid (10 M; to pH 2), the acidic organic components were extracted from
the hydrolysate with diethyl ether (3 x 500 μl). Aliquots of both fractions were evaporated to
dryness under a gentle stream of nitrogen and subjected to trimethylsilylation. his was achieved
by mixing the dried aliquots with an internal standard solution (5 μl of n-tridecanoic acid solution,
140 mg g-1) and derivatising with 20 μl of BSTFA (at 60°C, 30 min), using 150 μl iso-octane as
the solvent. After adding 10 μl of n-hexadecane solution (80 mg g-l) as an internal standard for the
injection, 2 μl of the solution were analysed by GC/MS.
he GC/MS was a Trace GC (hermoElectron Corporation) equipped with a PTV injection
port, linked to a Polaris Q (hermoElectron Corporation) ion trap-MS detector (EI 70eV, ion
source temperature 230°C, scanning m/z 50-650, interface temperature 280°C). he PTV injector
was operated in the “constant temperature splitless with purge” mode at 280°C with a purge
pressure of 100 kPa. GC separation was performed on an HP-5MS chemically bonded fused
silica capillary column (Hewlett Packard; 5% phenyl 95% methylpolysiloxane, 30 m x 0.25 μm
I.D., 0.25 μm ilm thickness, connected to a 2 m deactivated fused silica capillary pre-column,
I.D. 0.32μm). he GC conditions were as follows: initial temperature 80°C, 2 min isothermal,
10°C min-l up to 200°C, 6°C min-1 up to 280°C, 35 min isothermal. Carrier gas: He (purity
99.9995%), constant low 1.2 ml min-1.
‘Journal of Intercultural and
Interdisciplinary A rchaeology’
Methods and instrumentation
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45
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Oils and embalming balms from the tombs TT14 and M.I.D.A.N.05
at Dra Abu el-Naga (Luxor-Egypt)
Results and discussion
Sample
Mummy
abdomen
Mummy
thorax
Identified compounds
saturated fatty acids: with even C10-C18, C24, C26, C30
Beeswax
hydroxy fatty acids
Beeswax
linear alcohols with C24-C30 carbon atoms
Beeswax
linear alcanes with C28 and C31 carbon atoms
Beeswax
saturated fatty acids: with even C10-C18, C24, C26, C30
Beeswax
hydroxy fatty acids
Beeswax
linear alcohols with C24-C30 carbon atoms
Beeswax
linear alcanes with C28 and C31 carbon atoms
Beeswax
diterpenes: acids-dehydroabietic, didehydroabietic, 7-oxodehydroabietic, 7-oxo-didehydroabietic, 15-hydroxy-7oxo-dehydroabietic and 15-hydroxy-dehydroabietic
saturated fatty acids: with even C10-C26
hydroxy fatty acids- C16
Phenician
amphora
dicarboxylic acids: α,ω-C5-α,ω-C12
linear alcohols with C16, C18, C24, C26 and C28 carbon
atoms
linear alcanes with C25 and C27 carbon atoms
cholesterol
saturated fatty acids: with even C10-C34
unsaturated fatty acids: C18:1
Amphora with
embalming
material
Balsamarium
dicarboxylic acids: α,ω-C7-α,ω-C10 and α,ω-C12
Pinacea resin
Beeswax and another
lipid material
Beeswax
Lipid material
Beeswax
Beeswax
Lipid material of animal
origin
Beeswax and Lipid
material
Lipid material
Lipid material
linear alcohols with C16, C18, C24, C26 and C28 carbon
atoms
Beeswax
linear alcanes with C25 and C27 carbon atoms
Beeswax
saturated fatty acids: with even C12-C18
Lipid material
dicarboxylic acids: α,ω-C7-α,ω-C10 and α,ω-C16
Lipid material
phytosterols
46
Material
Lipid of plant origin
JIIA.eu
Federica Facchetti, Erika Ribechini, Marilina Betrò, Maria Perla Colombini
Beaker
Amphora with
embalming
material
saturated fatty acids: with even C10-C18, C24, C26,
C30 and odd C9, C15- C19 number of carbon atoms;
branched- C15, C17
Beeswax and another
lipid material
unsaturated fatty acids: C16:1, Z-C18:1, C18:2
and hydroxy fatty acids- C16 and dihydroxy
fatty acids- 9,10-dihydroxyoctadecanoic and
11,12-dihydroxyeicosanoic.
Beeswax and another
lipid material
dicarboxylic acids: α,ω-C5-α,ω-C13
linear alcohols with C24-C30 carbon atoms
linear alcanes with C28 and C31 carbon atoms
Lipid material
Beeswax
Beeswax
diterpenes: acids-dehydroabietic, didehydroabietic, 7-oxodehydroabietic, 7-oxo-didehydroabietic, 15-hydroxy-7oxo-dehydroabietic and 15-hydroxy-dehydroabietic
Pinacea resin
saturated fatty acids: with even C12-C34
linear alcohols with C18, C22-C32 carbon atoms
Beeswax
Beeswax
linear alcanes with C23, C25, C29, C30 and C31 carbon
atoms
Beeswax
diterpenes: acids-dehydroabietic, didehydroabietic, 7-oxodehydroabietic, 7-oxo-didehydroabietic, 15-hydroxy-7oxo-dehydroabietic and 15-hydroxy-dehydroabietic
Pinacea resin
Founded by Antonella D’Ascoli in 2003
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20 Budka, J. 2006. Deponierungen von Balsamierungsmaterial im spätzeitlichen heben (Ägypten). Befund, Kontext
und Versuch einer Deutung. In Roeder, H., Mylonopoulos, J. (eds.), Archäeologie und Ritual. Auf der Suche nach der
rituellen Handlung in den antiken Kulturen Ägyptens und Griechenlands. Vienna, 86-7
21 Aston, D. 2011, tA p Xrt wty he Saqqara embalmers caches reconsidered; typology and chronology. In Aston,
D, Bader, B., Gallorini, C., Nicholson, P., Buckingham, S. (eds.), Under the potter’s tree. Studies on Ancient Egypt
presented to Janine Bourriau on the Occasion of her 70th Birthday. Leuven-Paris-Walpole, 49
22 Budka, J. 2010. he use of pottery in funerary contexts during the Libyan and Late Period. In Bareš, L., Coppens,
F., Smoláriková, K. (eds)., Egypt in Transition. Social and Religious Development of Egypt in the First Millenium BCE,
Proceedings of an International Conference, Prague, September 1-4, 2009. Prague, 36
23 Goyon, J.-C. 1972. Rituels funéraires de l‘ancienne égypte. Paris, 96
JIIA
he archaeological and chemical study carried on the above described samples conirms, on
one side, recent theories about funerary practices in hebes from hird Intermediate Period and
Roman Period (1st millennium BC – 3rd century AD), at the same time casting light on new
diferent perspectives. Very interesting is the inding inside the tomb of an amphora for embalming
material dating to the hird Intermediate Period, which attests a diferent use in comparison with
the more usual practice in hebes during the irst part of 1st millennium BC. 20 In particular its
inding spot, that corresponds to embalming cache type B2 of Julia Budka’s typology (groups
of pots, containing used mummiication materials, hair and skin remains, often in linen bags,
associated with architectural remains), awards a closer attention.21 he Phoenician amphora
conirms instead the custom of placing foreign vases in grave goods, well attested during the irst
millennium BC, as status symbol of the deceased. 22
he balsamarium, dated Roman Period, attests the will to include in the burial ofering
perfumed oils, clearly considered precious, as the attention to store them in very tiny containers
conirms. Oils and perfumes could be ofered or used during speciics ceremonies as, for example,
the Opening of the Mouth. hese rituals were oiciated inside the tomb, 23 what allows to
understand the presence of containers with perfumed substances here. he beaker with beeswax
‘Journal of Intercultural and
Interdisciplinary A rchaeology’
Conclusions
47
JIIA.eu
Oils and embalming balms from the tombs TT14 and M.I.D.A.N.05
at Dra Abu el-Naga (Luxor-Egypt)
and pine resin, dated too Roman period, is very interesting. hese substances are ingredients of
embalming balms. herefore three hypothesis could be sustained:
1) he beakers were utilized for particular ceremonies in which oils and resins were necessary,
such as the Opening of the Mouth.
2) hey could be used as containers for embalming balms. In this case, it would be necessary
to explain their inding inside the tomb. Salima Ikram and Aidan Dodson suppose that all
material used for the mummiication process was considered one-way and buried with the
deceased. 24
3) An other hypotesis could be that in Roman Period the inal steps of the mummiication
process could take place inside the tomb, as several indings could demonstrate. 25 he
discover of a fragment of a bronze hook, instrument used for remove the brain, in front of
the entrance of a burial room near to the funerary shaft could support this hypothesis, but
it seems unlikely that demanding operations, such as the removal of brain, were carried in
the tomb. It is more probable that the hook was lost by embalmers.
24 Ikram, S., Dodson, A. 1998. The mummy in ancient Egypt: equipping the dead for eternity. London, 105.
25 Betrò M. in Betrò M. C., Facchetti F., Guidotti M. C., Menchetti A. 2008. Vasi con iscrizioni demotiche e ieratiche
dalla tomba M.I.D.A.N.05, Egitto e Vicino Oriente XXXI, 93
48
Federica Facchetti, Erika Ribechini, Marilina Betrò, Maria Perla Colombini
Founded by Antonella D’Ascoli in 2003
© 2014
Anus, P., Saad, R. 1971. Habitation de prêtres dans le temple d’Amon à Karnak. KÊMI 21, 217-38
Aston, D. 1996. Egyptian Pottery of the Late New Kingdom and hird Intermediate Period
(Twelth- Seventh Centuries). Heidelberg
Aston, D. 1997. he pottery in G. T. Martin, he tomb of Tia and Tia. A royal monument of
the Ramesside Period in the Memphite necropolis. London
Aston, D. 1999. Elephantine XIX Pottery from the Late New Kingdom to the Early Ptolemaic
Period. Mainz
Aston, D. 2003. he heban West Bank from the Twenty-ith Dynasty to the Ptolemaic
Period. In Strudwick, N., Taylor, J. H. (eds). he heban necropolis: past, present and
future. London, 138-165
Aston, D. 2011. tA p Xrt wty he Saqqara embalmers caches reconsidered; typology and
chronology. In Aston, D, Bader, B., Gallorini, C., Nicholson, P., Buckingham,
S. (eds.), Under the potter’s tree. Studies on Ancient Egypt presented to Janine
Bourriau on the Occasion of her 70th Birthday. Leuven-Paris-Walpole, 45-80
Bataille, A. 1952. Les Memnonia. Le Caire
Béout, P., Gabolde, M., Grataloup, C., Jaubert, O. 1993 Fouilles dans le secteur Nord-Ouest
du temple d’Amon-Re. CahKarn IX, 161-204
Betrò, M. 2004. Excavation of heban Tomb 14 (Huy) at Dra Abu el-Naga (Gurna - Luxor).
Preliminary Report (season 2003). Egitto e Vicino Oriente 27, 45-60
Betrò, M., Del Vesco, P., Ghiroldi, A. 2007. Preliminary report on the University of Pisa
2007 season in TT14 and M.I.D.A.N.05. Egitto e Vicino Oriente XXX, 14-38
Betrò, M. 2007. MIDAN. Missione Archeologica Italiana a Dra Abu el-Naga (Gurna –
Luxor). VI Campagna, (Novembre 2006). RISE 3, 55-60
Betrò M. C., Facchetti F., Guidotti M. C., Menchetti A. 2008. Vasi con iscrizioni demotiche
e ieratiche dalla tomba M.I.D.A.N.05, Egitto e Vicino Oriente XXXI, 91-104
Betrò, M. 2010. Rapporto preliminare sulla X campagna di scavo dell’Università di Pisa nella
necropoli tebana (Dra Abu el-Naga). Campagna novembre-dicembre 2010. RISE 5,
33-41
Betrò, M., Del Vesco, P. 2006. Dra Abu el-Naga (Gurna, Luxor - Egitto) Campagne III-IV
(2004-2005). Egitto e Vicino Oriente 29, 5-64
Betrò, M., Del Vesco, P., Miniaci, G. 2009. Seven seasons at Dra Abu el-Naga. he tomb of
Huy (TT 14): preliminary results, Pisa
Betrò, M., Del Vesco, P., Miniaci, G. 2009. Egitto, la necropoli di Tebe. Athenet 28, 12-15
Betrò M. in http://sta.humnet.unipi.it/index.php?id=43
Budka, J. 2006. Deponierungen von Balsamierungsmaterial im spätzeitlichen heben
(Ägypten). Befund, Kontext und Versuch einer Deutung. In Roeder, H.,
Mylonopoulos, J. (eds.), Archäeologie und Ritual. Auf der Suche nach der rituellen
Handlung in den antiken Kulturen Ägyptens und Griechenlands. Vienna, 85-103
Budka, J. 2010. he use of pottery in funerary contexts during the Libyan and Late Period.
In Bareš, L., Coppens, F., Smoláriková, K. (eds)., Egypt in Transition. Social and
Religious Development of Egypt in the First Millenium BCE, Proceedings of an
International Conference, Prague, September 1-4, 2009. Prague, 22-72
Facchetti F., Ribechini E., Betrò M., Colombini M. P. 2012. Organic residues analysis:
the case of becker found in heban Necropolis (Egypt). International Journal of
Conservation Science, vol. 3, Issue, 259-264
French, P. 1987. Late dynastic pottery from the vicinity of the south tombs in B. Kemp, Amarna
Reports III, Occasional publications 4. London, 146-188
‘Journal of Intercultural and
Interdisciplinary A rchaeology’
Bibliography
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49
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at Dra Abu el-Naga (Luxor-Egypt)
Goyon, J.-C. 1972. Rituels funéraires de l’ancienne égypte. Paris
Hamza, O. 1997. Qedua. CCE V, 81-102
Hölscher, U. 1954. he excavation of Medinet Habu V Post Ramessid remains. Chicago
Ikram, S., Dodson, A. 1998. he mummy in ancient Egypt: equipping the dead for eternity.
London
Lecuyot, G. 2007. Amphores provenant de hèbes-Ouest de la Basse Époque à l’époque
copte. CCE VIII, 337-87
Miniaci, G. 2011. Rishi Coins and the funerary culture of Second Intermediate Period
Egypt, London
Modugno, F., Ribechini, E., Colombini M.P. 2006. Aromatic resin characterization by
gas chromatography–mass spectrometry: Raw and archaeological materials. J.
Chromatogr. A 1134, 298-304
Myers, O. H., Fairman, H. W. 1931. Excavations at Armant, 1929-31. JEA 17, 223-232
Myśliwiec, K. 1987. Keramik und Kleinfunde aus der Grabung im Tempel Sethos I. in
Gurna. Mainz
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environs vol. III, Aegypti texta propositaque 2. University of Pennsylvania
50
JIIA.eu
Journal of Intercultural and Interdisciplinary Archaeology
Remarks on the Possible Uses of the Perfumed Oils, Ointments, and
its Containers in the Cult of Dead from the fourth century BC to
the second century AD: In the Light of the Necropoleis of Kyme,
Colophon, and Patara
Özden Ürkmez – Erkan Dündar
ozdenurkmez@hotmail.com – dundarerkan@gmail.com
Kahramanmaraş Sütçü İmam University, Turkey
Introduction
Death is perhaps the most true, sad, and inexorable phenomenon of the nature and human life.
Humans, as psychological beings, have not changed their opinion regarding the notion of death,
no matter the degree of their evolution. his is because of the fact that death cannot be resolved.
Seeking cure for death, as with the ancient humans, still survives in today’s beliefs through the
introduction of an imaginary spiritual form of the same essence in substitution of the body, vital
functions of which ceased to exist.
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JIIA
In the ancient period, prothesis or preparing the corpse of the individual after death, before
burial with various rites, constituted the irst phase. In the second phase, namely ekphora, the
deceased was carried to necropolis, where s/he would be buried again with various funerary rites.
In the last phase the deceased would be laid away to her or his new life in the other world, with
gifts placed in the grave. Among the traditions pertaining to funeral ceremony, scent appears to
be one of the most important elements, especially during prothesis and burial. Prior to a review
of the signiicance of scent in the cults of death and how the same was relected in the necropolis
contexts of three major cities, i.e., Kyme, Colophon and Patara as located in the diferent places of
Anatolia, it is necessary to briely address the concepts of death, corpse, spirit, journey to afterlife,
and promised heaven.
‘Journal of Intercultural and
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Let alone the societies of the ancient period, even in today’s primitive societies, dead people
are believed to live a similar life in another place. For the primitive humans, who believe in life
after death, the physical existence of men may end in the world of living creatures, yet it does not
fade away. he deceased only tries to adapt to the new conditions, while passing to another world
from the existing one. Very well aware of the diference between a living person and a corpse, the
primitive people attributed the end of vital functions to the abandonment of the body by an entity
or a principle, which enabled life. his principle is neither entirely material, nor incorporeal. It is
both of them at the same time.1
1
Otten 1958: 238–240.
51
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REMARKS ON THE POSSIBLE USES OF THE PERFUMED OILS, OINTMENTS, AND ITS CONTAINERS IN THE CULT OF DEAD FROM THE
FOURTH CENTURY
BC TO THE SECOND CENTURY AD: IN THE LIGHT OF THE NECROPOLEIS OF KYME, COLOPHON, AND PATARA
Dead, Spirit, Afterlife, and the Perfume in Ancient Period
Mesopotamian and Egyptian Culture
It is known that the origins of what remains spiritually from the deceased people, the entity we
would call as the “soul” here, and the journey thereof trace back to the Near Eastern cultures. In
Mesopotamian beliefs, human beings come under domination of underworld gods, leaving that
of the celestial gods after death. he physical body, i.e. “awelu,” would transform into the spiritual
body, i.e. “etummu,” and the new life after death would begin upon death. In order the deceased
can experience this transformation and freely enter to the world of the dead, the deceased must
have buried with appropriate rites. It was believed the great gate of the world of dead was at the
farthermost point towards the West. It required a long and demanding journey to reach the gate.
Food, water, and clothes etc. would also be needed for the journey. Following the journey full of
daemons and troubles, the deceased would arrive to the coast of Khubur, where s/he would get
on the boat of “Humut-Tabal,” and enter to the territories of the lands of no return.2 However,
the life after death was a dull and still existence. he deceased would eat mud and drink muddy
water. Nevertheless, the aristocratic people expected a richer and vivid life. his expectation was
based on lavish gifts presented to the gods of the underworld.3 Pursuant to the written sources,
Mesopotamians would spend their last hours in a special funerary bed. he relatives of the dying
individual would present around the bed. A ritual would take place, in which prayers said around
the deathbed, in order for the soul could easily leave the body. Immediately after the death, the
deceased would be placed in a chair/throne. hen the body would be prepared for burial. he
bathed body would be put into a red gown after applying oil and scent. Food, clothes, sandals
were left in the grave to be used by the deceased in her or his journey to afterlife together with
various gifts to be presented to gods.4 In order to protect themselves from the evil of the deceased,
the family must have made ofering for her or his soul. It was believed that failing to bury the dead
appropriately and to conduct necessary funerary rites, would make the soul wander around in the
world, and agonize people.5
According to Budge, the argument that Egyptians were in anticipation of resurrection of the
physical body is misleading. he body, the inviolability and immortality of which, is emphasized,
is “sahu,” or the spiritual body that transforms into an existence other than the physical body. he
physical body may transform into that spiritual body by the funeral prayers, rites, and appropriate
burial. For ive thousand years, the Egyptians were embalmed by imitating the mummiied form of
Osiris, and were put in the graves with the belief that the body will survive rotting in the ground,
because of the fact that Osiris also survived the same. Egyptians believed that they would resurrect
in an immortal and spiritual body like Osiris, because Osiris reappeared in a transformed spiritual
body, rose to the sky to be the king of the dead, and acquired eternal life.6 herefore, the more the
physical body is preserved, the more it is possible that the spiritual body takes the form thereof.7
In the embalming process the irst step was the bathing of the deceased, followed by removal
of brain tissue by insertion of tools via nasal passages. After that the left lank of the body was
incised with the help of a sharp obsidian tool and all the viscera were removed. Resin, cinnamon,
onions, and scented myrrh as mixed with wood shavings were inserted in especially the abdomen
2
3
4
5
6
7
52
Bottero 1992: 304 f.
Bottero 1992: 305 f.
Mcintosh 2005: 224–226.
Mcintosh 2005: 224–226.
Budge 2001: 71 f.
Budge 2001: 140 f.
Özden Ürkmez – Erkan Dündar
Kahramanmaraş Sütçü İmam University, Turkey
JIIA.eu
and the mammal tissues of women, after the latter were cleaned by date wine and scented plants.8
he spirit, the ephemeral dead body of which is protected by fragrance, must go beyond a series
of regions in the underworld, and pass through several halls. Following a challenging voyage the
deceased would appear in the court established by the Gods for her or him. After completion of
the trial, Horus would take the deceased (the spirit) by hand before Osiris.9 hose, who could pass
the court of Gods, would join the Hatep city, in other words the Heaven. It is possible to ind a
range of similar rites in many Near Eastern civilizations such as the Hittite.10 Nevertheless, the
scent among these rituals was not as signiicant as it was in the Mesopotamian, Egyptian, and then
in the Hellenistic culture. his suggests at the same time that the use of scent for the cult of death
by Ancient Greeks could have been learned from the Mesopotamian and Egyptian cultures.
Ancient Greek and Aegean Culture
Ancient Greeks believed that human beings were composed of “soma” and “psyche.”11 “Psyche”
means blowing.12 Weicker asserts that this belief is inherited from the Near Eastern belief of three
thousand years before.13. Ancient Greeks believed that spirits were winged and lying beings. For
Plato, each spirit is perfect and winged.14 After liberated from the body or the world of the living
beings, the spirit enters to the world of the invisible and comes together with the souls of its
ancestors and relatives.15 Ancient Greeks believed that the spirit would ly of the mouth during
death, and “eidolon” would remain behind.16. Eidolon, pursuant to another approach, could have
normal appearance or look smaller and winged.17 For Siebert, eidolon was an ideogram of the
deceased and a symbol of the belief that the bodies became smaller in size in the afterlife. Eidolon
would ly over until the corpse of the deceased was set on ire or organs got rotten after burial.18
he “spirit” conception is evident in Ancient Greek literature, notably in the works of Homer. In
fact it is more accurate to say that the “spirit” and “shadow” words denote the same thing. he
best example, perhaps, about these concepts is the words of lamentation by Achilles upon death
of Patroclus, in Iliad:
Founded by Antonella D’Ascoli in 2003
Ikram 2003: 275–282.
Budge 2001: 125.
Otten 1958: 136.
Şahin 1993: 144.
Cumont 1942: 110.
Weicker 1902: 85 f.
Plat. Phaidros 246 b-c.
Şahin 1993: 163.
Vermule 1979: 18.
Şahin 1993: 161.
Siebert 1981: 63 f.
Hom. Il. 23.103–108.
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he land of the deceased, once a world of shadows in which the faded ghosts of the deceased
wander around in a still half-life, in the beginning of the Ancient Greek belief, then, transformed
into a deep underworld cave scorched in lames, where the wicked were punished upon the merger
of Hades and Tartarus. Once deined as a faded away soul, Hades becomes the judge of the
deceased and the leader of an army of souls/daemons, principal task of which is to torture the
‘Journal of Intercultural and
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“Look you now, even in the house of Hades is the spirit and phantom somewhat, albeit the
mind be not anywise therein; for the whole night long hath the spirit of hapless Patroclus stood
over me, weeping and wailing, and gave me charge concerning each thing, and was wondrously
like his very self.”19
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REMARKS ON THE POSSIBLE USES OF THE PERFUMED OILS, OINTMENTS, AND ITS CONTAINERS IN THE CULT OF DEAD FROM THE
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BC TO THE SECOND CENTURY AD: IN THE LIGHT OF THE NECROPOLEIS OF KYME, COLOPHON, AND PATARA
cursed.20 However, it will be misleading to label the afterlife merely as hell for Ancient Greeks
based on the tragic stories of Homer. At least, the fact there was a group of judges in the afterlife,
indicated the contrary. Ancient Greeks hoped that if they observe the rules of the gods in their
lives, they would have a similar or better afterlife with their beloved ones. he decision on which
was left to three judges by Zeus. In the Ancient Greek version of the courts in Mesopotamia and
Egypt, the court jury was composed of three judges, namely Minos, Rhadamanthys, and Aeacus.21
Upon trial, the wicked were thrown down to the depths of Tartarus (the hell) for eternal sufering.
he good, on the other hand, were sent to the coast of “Elysium” for an eternal happy life.
“But for thyself, Menelaus, fostered of Zeus, it is not ordained that thou shouldst die and
meet thy fate in horse-pasturing Argos, but to the Elysian plain and the bounds of the earth will
the immortals convey thee, where dwells fair-haired Rhadamanthus, [565] and where life is
easiest for men. No snow is there, nor heavy storm, nor ever rain, but ever does Ocean send up
blasts of the shrill-blowing West Wind that they may give cooling to men…”22
In Athens, it was the task of the deceased’s next of kin to dig a grave and conduct funeral
procedures by law. he male children, who fail to dig graves for their parents were either expelled
from demos, or humiliated.23 his last duty was so important that graves should be dig for the
parents even if they were immoral. Symbolic graves were dig for the deceased without a corpse.24
he care taken for the grave of the deceased
was also shown for the body thereof, as stated
above. Scent is perhaps the most signiicant
element especially during the prothesis phase.
his funeral rite is primarily related to the
respect shown for the body of the deceased.
In the above rite, with the participation of the
relatives of the deceased, the irst procedure
was to close they eyes and the mouth of the
deceased. his task was assumed by the spouse,
if married, or by the deceased’s next of kin such
as parents and children. his step was followed
by the bath and anointment with fragrant oils
of the deceased body. he deceased was dressed
thereafter, laid on a kline in supine position,
and draped.25 he scenes from prothesis were
irst described on Attic Vases in the Geometric
Period (the second half of the eight century
BC).26 he irst descriptions of prothesis scenes
in Western Anatolia (Ionia) are found in the
27
Figure 1. A scene from Polyxena Sarcophagus: Perfume Samos vases dated to late Geometric Period.
Containers Aryballoi (ater Işık 2012, ig. 509) he prothesis scenes appeared in the Anatolian
grave steles beginning from Archaic Period.
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
54
Russell 1999: 196.
Morford and Lenardon 2007: 355 f.
Hom. Od. 4.561–567.
Plut. Sol. 22.1–4.
Hom. Od. 4.554; Xen. Anab. 6.4.9.
Kurtz-Boardman 1971: 71.
Boardman 1955: 51–66 pls. 1–8
Ahlberg 1971: ig.51.
In the scene as depicted in the Chalcedon Stele,28 Ikos (the woman) sitting on a throne was
prepared and adorned by other women. It is not clear though whether the women conducting the
preparations hold cosmetic products in hand. However, in a scene as depicted on the Polyxena
Sarcophagus,29 one of the female igures preparing Polyxena sitting on a throne for her wedding
(death) carries aryballos in both hands (ig. 1). A very similar scene is also seen on the Harpy Grave
Monument in Lycia, although the perfume containers are not clear.30 he perfume container
element in the Ancient Greek or Anatolian cult of death is not only related with prothesis scenes
and women. he male igure depicted on the grave stele with Anthemion, found in Sardeis,31
probably carries an aryballos in his left hand. he cosmetic containers appear in the Archaic and
Classical Period graves in general in the form of askoi, and in Hellenistic Period especially in
the form of pyxides and unguentaria.32 It is understood that prothesis step, which includes the
preparation of the deceased with fragrance after death was very important. However, the cosmetic
containers left as funeral gifts, again in relation to the same belief, must be one of the most evident
indicators of the nobility of the deceased before the judges in afterlife. It will be appropriate now
to briely address the perfumes and perfume containers before evaluating the Patara, Colophon,
and Kyme contexts in terms of the cult of dead in relation to perfume.
Founded by Antonella D’Ascoli in 2003
28 Pfuhl-Möbius 1977: no.1; Boardman 2001: ig. 248; Istanbul Museum Inv. No. 524.
29 Sevinç 1996: 251f.; Gilotta 1998: 11f.; Steuernagel 1998: 165f; Reinsberg 2001: 71 f; Bakır 2004: 2 f.
30 Smith 1900: 56 f; Pryce 1928: 88; Akurgal 1941: 30 f; Akurgal 1961: 134 f; Özgan 1978: 87; Childs 1978: 8 f;
Polat 1998: 98 f.
31 Pfuhl-Möbius 1977: no.12.
32 Phulf-Möbius 1979: no. 2037.
33 On the matter see hompson 1934: 472–474; Hellström 1965: 23f; Anderson-Stojanović 1987: 105–122;
Dotterweich 1999; Dündar 2008.
34 Wiseman and Mano-Zissi 1976: 280, ig. 11; Dotterweich 1999: 6; Dündar 2008: 112 pl. 9 no. U83 Type 2K.
35 Generally, these handles is made functionless or free applique. For handle examples Drougou 1991: 103, 116;
Dündar 2008: 95 pl. 1 nos. U1–4.
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Upon review of the grave contexts pertaining to the Patara, Colophon, and Kyme necropoleis,
unguentaria, lekythoi, alabastrons, aryballoi, and pyxides appear as cosmetic containers. Among
them, the lekythoi, aryballoi, and pyxides were only in few numbers, whereas there are hundreds of
unguentaria. As seen in many other necropoleis, unguentaria were among the perfume containers,
most frequently left in the graves during the Hellenistic and Roman Period. his form of ceramics,
which was found especially in the necropolis areas beginning from the early Hellenistic Period,
was widely used until the Early Eastern Roman Period (approximately seventh century AD).33
Appeared in a wide geography during the ancient period, the form became diversiied in time. he
“fusiform,” which was frequently used from mid-fourth century BC, the irst time it was seen in
the Eastern Mediterranean Region, to the end of the irst century BC, had been the determinant
form of unguentaria. his form, especially in the early stages, had similar formal attributes to that
of squat lekythoi and amphoriskoi that could lead to see it as a successor thereof. With a wide
and low base, unguentaria has a bulged belly, emphasized shoulders, and a short and thin neck,
with rim edge with an outward slant. In time, the foot and neck sections were elongated and that
the bulginess in the middle of the belly was decreased rendering a “spindle” form approximately
towards the end of the third century BC. he foot section absent in the early examples was formed
in time by elongation of the form, and that the neck and foot heights became equal approximately
in the second century BC. he fusiform, which was used for much longer times compared to the
other forms of unguentaria, had many variations in body proile compared to others. Averaging
between eight and 0.20m. the sizes of these vials varied from miniature 0.04 – 0.05m. to giant
0.42m. samples.34 Unguentaria were generally without handles except for rare occurrences.35 he
‘Journal of Intercultural and
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Containers of Perfumed Oils and Ointments
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REMARKS ON THE POSSIBLE USES OF THE PERFUMED OILS, OINTMENTS, AND ITS CONTAINERS IN THE CULT OF DEAD FROM THE
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other form of unguentaria called “piriform” was footless with lat base. In fact this form can be seen
as a variation of the fusiform with the removal of the foot, which lost its standing function due
to excessive elongation. Widely occurred during the Late Hellenistic – Early Roman Periods, the
piriform unguentaria were not used for longer periods of time compared to the fusiform. Actually,
the unguentaria that were used for centuries were produced as the variations of two basic forms
mentioned above. As with the fusiform of the Hellenistic Period, the pirifom of Early Roman
Period was also found in the form of diversiied local productions along with the widely used
forms in the entire Mediterranean basin.
Perfumed Oils, Ointments, and the Terminology of Unguentaria
Falsely identiied for a long period of time as “teardrop bottles,” in which the tear drops of
the relatives and professional sobers were preserved and which were left among the funeral gifts,
the very term “unguentarium” was not the ancient period nomenclature for the vials in the said
form.36 his term was irst used by the French scientists conducting research in Carthage at the
beginning of the twentieth century.37 Called as “lacrimaria”38 or “balsamaria”39, these vials have
been unearthed especially in the graves from Hellenistic and Roman Periods, throughout the
Mediterranean basin from Palestine to Spain.40 Unguentarium is a general term derived from the
“unguenta” word used for ointments, oils, relaxants, and liquid aromas in the ancient period, also
related to bathing and ancient period sportive activities.41 he balms used for the purpose thereof
were also called as unguentum, lykion, μύρον, άλειμμα, χρί(σ)μα), μύρωμα; and the liquid were
called μύρα and στακτά.42 Some of the various and expensive oils used for body and sometimes
for hair included mendesium, megalesium, metopium, amaracinum, Cyprinum, susinum, nardinum,
spicatum, iasminum, rosaceum, and crocus.43 In addition thereto, the general name of the powders
used for make-up was diapasmata. Despite it is known that Ancient Greeks and the Western
Anatolian societies used such balms and oils from the very early periods, they were not very popular
until the end of the Republican Period in Rome. Besides daily use thereof, it is know that perfume
and balm were put into the containers left in the graves as funeral gifts and poured to the graves
during funeral ceremony.44 It is well-established that there was a noteworthy traic of perfume and
balm among the cities of Greece and South Italy beginning from the sixth century BC.45 hose
occupied with this profession were called unguentarii,46 or unguentariae47 due to the fact that most
of them were women, and the profession itself was called unguentaria48. Although the ancient
naming of these ceramics is to a large degree unknown, there are some opinions. Even though
36 hompson 1934: 473; Hellström 1965: 23.
37 Gauckler 1915: 545; Berlin 1997: 58.
38 The Lacrimarium (or lacrimatorium) term was believed to have been used for these vials, in which the tears of
those attended to the funeral ceremony were collected; certain scientists also suggest that the function of these
vials were as such; Thompson 1934: 473 n. 3; Hellström 1965: 23.
39 he Balsamarium term, similar to Unguentarium, is used as a descriptive term and indicates the probable substances
inside these small ceramics.
40 Anderson-Stojanović 1987: 105 n. 1.
41 Smith 1870, 1214; Culmann 1920, 1851 f; Brun 2000, 277–278.
42 Culmann 1920, 1851 f.
43 The deinitions and therapeutic features of all these oils were provided in detail by Dioscorides. Mendesium
(Dioscorides I-72), Metopium (I-39, 71), Amaracinum (I-68), Cyprinum (I-65), Susinum; other names are
known as “lilinum” and “liliaceum” (I-62), Nardinum (I-75), Rosaceum (I-53), Crocus (I-25).
44 Culmann 1920, 1851 f.
45 Brun 2000, 277 f.
46 Cic. Of. 1.4; Hor. Sat. II.3.228.
47 Plin. Nat. 8.14.
48 he independent perfume producers in Rome irst gathered under the roof of collegium aromatariorum, and then
during the Augustus Period, collegium thurariorium et unguentariorum, under auspices of the Empire; Brun 2000,
302.
56
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55
56
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58
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Plin. Nat. 36.12.
Hellström 1965: 24 n. 7.
Hellström 1965: 24–25.
Anderson-Stojanović 1987: 106 n. 7.
hompson 1934: 472; Nohlen and Radt 1978: 33; Robinson 1959; Rotrof 1997: 176.
Form differences in the same period were seen throughout the Mediterranean especially during the Roman
Empire Period see Robinson 1959: pl. 2 F 48–50.
Anderson-Stojanović 1987: 116 n. 65. For powders made of dried perfume see Plin. Nat. 13.3.19.
Anderson-Stojanović 1987: 116.
Åström 1964: 189.
Nohlen and Radt 1978, 83.
Smetana-Scherrer 1982: 88.
Tırpan and Söğüt 2001: 301, 309.
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here are many possibilities with regard to what might have been carried inside the unguentaria.
Residue of a pinkish powder was found in a glass unguentarium unearthed in Knossos, and the
examination thereupon suggested that it might be the red ochre used as perfume.55 As a result
thereof, it can be said that the materials carried in ceramic unguentaria varied from liquid to solid
materials, or particulate matters like incense.56 However, two samples from Pandrossou Street in
Athens are noteworthy for the enclosures. he fact that an obol was found in one of these samples
from grave provides interesting data with regard to the use of these ceramics. It was interpreted
that the obol inside the unguentarium was placed in the grave so as to be given by the deceased to
Charon in order to pass the Styx River.57 he use of said ceramics was not only for mere cosmetic
purposes, or not limited to burial traditions and ceremonies. It is known that they were also left
to sacred places as votive oferings. For instance, the votive oferings used in the Cybele cult in
Kapıkaya, Pergamon, also included unguentaria. It was suggested that the unguentaria were placed
as funeral gifts for Attis during the spring festivals organized for the goddess.58 It is known that
unguentaria were placed in the Apollo’s sacred place in Aegina.59 Unguentaria were unearthed at
the temenos and naos sections of the Lagina Hekate temple.60 he unguentaria descriptions at
grave steles also provide information with regard to the use of said materials. hese vials generally
described in grave steles on the shelves behind the deceased, and rarely as being carried by a child/
‘Journal of Intercultural and
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Plinius certainly spoke of vasa unguentaria,49 P. Hellström asserts that Plinius must most probably
have meant alabaster containers of his age. Ampulla, on the other hand, generally mentioned
together with strigilis in the ancient sources, must be a term that was frequently referred by both
Plautus and Cicero, and used to deine two important elements in palaestra.50 Furthermore, taking
into consideration the fact that oil carriage function of unguentaria continued in the Roman
Period, it could have been named as ampulla. On the other hand, P. Hellström argues that these
nomenclatures in the ancient periods were for deining not only the material, but also the form
as well.51 V. R. Anderson-Stojanović, on the other hand, suggests that both the alabastrons, and
the lekythoi terms might have been used for these small vials. However, there is no resource in
literature, which would serve as a clear reference for unguentarium. Another Latin nomenclature
for these containers was olfactariolum.52 he contemporary use of the unguentarium term for said
vials is attributed more to the cosmetic liquids or balmy materials carried inside, rather than
form or the production material. Another term, i.e. balsamarium, as with the unguentarium, also
deines the material carried inside. However, it is well established that these ceramics called as
unguentaria were not only used for cosmetic purposes, but also occurred frequently in graves and
sacred places.53 herefore, the ceramics are named on the basis of contents or intended purpose
the result will be incoherent. It is also diicult to name these ceramics based on the forms thereof.
his is because of the fact that having been used from the beginning of the Hellenistic Period, to
the end of the Roman Period, these ceramics were subject to change and that as a matter of fact,
there were samples of the same period in diferent forms, yet sharing the same functional use.54
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REMARKS ON THE POSSIBLE USES OF THE PERFUMED OILS, OINTMENTS, AND ITS CONTAINERS IN THE CULT OF DEAD FROM THE
FOURTH CENTURY
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servant but not the deceased.61 Almost all the grave steles with unguentaria depictions belonged to
women and besides thereto such women belongings as cosmetic containers like pyxides, mirrors,
combs, and umbrellas also draw attention.62
It is suggested that unguentaria were the ceramic form of the lekythoi, and especially the squat
lekythoi that were left in the graves during the Classical Period.63 As it is known, the lekythoi
were used as important funeral gifts until the end of the fourth century BC.64 he fact that the
lekythoi disappeared at the end of the Classical Period and the unguentaria of the same function
appeared in the same period supports the idea that these vials were the successors of the lekythoi.
Furthermore, the idea is further supported by the fact that unguentaria were left in the graves as
funeral gifts as lekythoi and that liquid or ointments used for cosmetic and similar purposes were
put therein. In addition thereto, the unguentarium form dated to the end of the fourth century
BC, with wide base and especially the lip structure and the proiled clear cut shoulders suggest the
relationship between the two container forms.65 here also is relevant information in the ancient
sources. For instance, Aristophanes mentions the tradition of leaving lekythoi in the graves as
funeral gifts.66 On the other hand, Athenaeus emphasized that there were other vials named after
lekythoi following the disappearance of the classical lekythoi.67
Samurlu 877 and 879 Necropoleis of Kyme
Two necropoleis located approximately 1km. east of Aiolis Kyme, nearby the İzmir – Çanakkale
highway, on the slope of a rocky hill, which are nearly a hundred meters away from each other
were called as Samurlu 877 and Samurlu 879.68 Samurlu 877 and 879 necropoleis are among
many necropoleis unearthed generally during museum salvage excavations around Aiolis Kyme.
As for the locations of these necropoleis, it is seen that they spread over the entire city except for
the sea and that their distance to the city is approximately the same as with Samurlu necropoleis.
Taking into consideration that Kyme, as the capital city of Aiolis, was one of the biggest and the
most crowded cities of the Ancient Period, the abundance of necropoleis, even including those
unearthed until today, should be considered natural. Especially the Samurlu 877 and Samurlu
879 necropoleis, which were excavated in the same period, are also striking for the fact that they
were used for a long time including the contemporary times. In relation thereto, drillings in
between these two necropoleis indicated that these two funeral sites are independent and that
there had been a land subdivision practice for the Kyme people in the ancient times. A proof
of this subdivision practice is that although the Samurlu 877 necropolis was located in a rather
wide area, it was limited to a parcel of only 600m2 and that the 76 graves found in the area were
overlapped in such a way to destroy each other.
Apart from proportional diferences in grave types and other minor diferences, a total of 164
61 Pfuhl and Möbius 1977, for the unguentaria depicted on the shelves no. 384, 507, 538, 892, 909, 924, 989, 922,
for unguentaria in the hands of the child / servant nos. 405–407, 410. Piriform unguentaria were recognized in stele
no. 924 in distinction from the others.
62 For the unguentaria depicted together with mirror and cosmetic containers see Pfuhl and Möbius 1977. For the
unguentaria depicted together with umbrellas and combs see Silverio 1990: 54.
63 Anderson-Stojanović 1987: 106; Hellström 1965: 24; Berlin 1997: 58.
64 Kurtz and Boardman 1985: 191–193.
65 CVA 62, Deutschland, Berlin 8, pls. 39–45.
66 Aristoph. Eccl. 1107–1111.
67 Ath. 4.129a.
68 he Necropoleis as a part of the third degree archaeological site of the Kyme Ancient City were located in the
landed property of İzmir Iron Steel Industry Co., registered at parcel 877 and 879 of Samurlu Village, Aliağa Town
of Izmir city. Izmir Museum Directorate conducted testing trench and salvage excavations covering an area of
28020m², between March 20th, 2012 and August 24th, 2012.
58
Figure 3. Pyxis of Grave 877/6 from Kyme
(photograph by Özden Ürkmez)
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Figure 2. Grave 879/88 from Kyme
(photograph by Özden Ürkmez)
In the Samurlu necropoleis of Kyme, a number
of cosmetic containers were unearthed together
with other funeral gifts dated as early as the Early
Hellenistic Period, in other words the earliest grave
contests in the necropoleis. Regarding these graves
dated between the end of the fourth and third century
BC, there is no common grave type and that there
is no correlation between the quantities of cosmetic
containers placed in the grave and certain grave types.
On the contrary, there are many examples in Samurlu
necropoleis, in which quite rich indings occurred in
inexpensive types of graves. he grave no. 879/88 is
of simple inhumation type (ig. 2). he funeral gifts
were placed one on the top of the other in the feet
section of the deceased lying in supine position. he
fact that especially a large iron scissors and a bronze
strigilis were among the nineteen gifts, suggests that
the deceased could have been a male tailor. In addition
thereto the fact that there found four unguentaria
among the nineteen gifts must be an indication of
the level of importance attached to scent in this grave
in terms of the cult of dead and the afterlife beliefs.
he stroter69 grave no. 77/6 is very poor in terms of
grave indings. he only gift for the deceased is a pyxis
left near to the head section (ig. 3). he pyxis, with
the cover section in the form of an unguentarium,
is one of the unique indings of the excavation. It is
understood that the main section, i.e. the pyxis, of this
combined cosmetic container had solid balm, and the
cover section, i.e. the unguentarium, contained liquid
perfume. his unique container alone is an indication
of the level of importance attached to the deceased,
scent, and beauty. Despite almost the entirety of
the skeleton was destroyed in the pithos type grave
no. 79/76, it is understood the burial was in hocker
position. Nine funeral gifts were left to the feet
section of the deceased. he fact that several female
igures included among the gifts and the small size of
the pithos suggested that it was a grave for a young
‘Journal of Intercultural and
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graves unearthed in Samurlu 877 and 879 Necropoleis have common characteristics in terms
of burial customs. One of these characteristics is that lots of cosmetic materials and at least one
cosmetic container were unearthed in the grave contexts. hese containers were earthenware and
glass unguentaria except for a few samples. Along with cosmetic containers and vials, a considerable
number of bronze or silver cosmetic spatulas were also found among the funeral gifts. he examples
presented here among the 164 graves are from diferent grave types and dates. he grave contexts
under discussion are briely introduced below in chronological order.
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69 “Stroter” is the name given to the type of tile (such as kalypter i.e.) used in this tomb. herefore, this name is used
in the description of these type tomb in the study.
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Figure 4. Grave 879/83 from Kyme (photograph by Özden Ürkmez)
woman or a child. he fact that a moulded bowl (megara), which was one of the most expensive
bowls of its period, was also included in the nine funeral gifts shows that the deceased belonged at
least to the middle class of the society. Occurrence of an unguentarium among the gifts, albeit at
a minimum level, must be an indication of the importance attached to the scent of the deceased.
It was seen that the urn grave no. 79/83 (ig. 4) belonged to a child, due to the skull found in the
grave and the earthenware puppet igure placed in the outside rim of the grave. Found as leaning
to the stone plate used to cover the opening of the urn, the aryballos is an indication of both the
fact that the cosmetic containers were also left for the children, and that such containers could
have been placed outside (on) the grave during the Early Hellenistic Period in Samurlu Necropolis.
Figure 5. Grave 877/63 from Kyme (photograph by Özden Ürkmez)
60
It is observed that while the funeral gifts occurred less in the burials of the second century BC
in Samurlu necropoleis, unguentaria as cosmetic containers remained to be the indispensable gifts.
It is noteworthy that even if only one single gift had to be placed in a grave, it would absolutely
be an unguentarium. In other words, the importance attached to the scent in the cult of dead as
started with the late fourth century continued in the second century without lose its signiicance.
An interesting fact regarding the second century BC graves is that at least one of the unguentaria
was left to the side of the shoulder, with the rim towards the head of the deceased in supine
position. In the stroter grave no. 877/63 (ig. 5), one of the unguentaria was left on the abdomen,
and the other was placed parallel to the right shoulder. Similarly in the simple inhumation grave
no. 879/22, the unguentarium was placed parallel to the left shoulder of the deceased in supine
Figure 6. Grave 879/22 from Kyme
(photograph by Özden Ürkmez)
Figure 7. Grave 877/31 from Kyme
(photograph by Özden Ürkmez)
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position (ig. 6). As diferent from the two above, the stroter grave no. 877/31 (igs. 7), is richer in
terms of funeral gifts. he fact that two of the three unguentaria among these gifts were left with
the other gifts to the leg or feet section of the deceased with only one single unguentarium was
placed parallel to the left shoulder of the deceased, must be an indication of a tradition. herefore,
placement of unguentaria in the way described above in the second century BC may be based,
with regard to the cult of dead, on the idea to provide the deceased with convenience in using the
perfume container in her or his afterlife voyage. Apart from the foregoing the way the unguentaria
placed in the graves is common in both the 877 and 879 necropoleis. hus it is more accurate to
attribute this tradition to the majority, if not all, of the Kyme residents, but not to a genos lived in
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Özden Ürkmez – Erkan Dündar
Kahramanmaraş Sütçü İmam University, Turkey
Figure 8. Context of Grave 877/3 from Kyme (photograph by Özden Ürkmez)
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REMARKS ON THE POSSIBLE USES OF THE PERFUMED OILS, OINTMENTS, AND ITS CONTAINERS IN THE CULT OF DEAD FROM THE
FOURTH CENTURY
BC TO THE SECOND CENTURY AD: IN THE LIGHT OF THE NECROPOLEIS OF KYME, COLOPHON, AND PATARA
Kyme throughout the second century BC.
One of the graves, which indicate that the
tradition of placing unguentaria next to the shoulders,
decreasingly continued in Samurlu necropoleis, is the
stroter grave no. 877/3 (ig. 8). It is suggested that the
deceased was buried in hocker position in the urn grave
no. 879/14, despite the bones were destroyed (ig. 9).
Taking into consideration that the great majority of the
gifts unearthed in the grave were unguentaria, this is
an indication of the fact that the importance attached
to scent in the cult of dead continued without lose
its signiicance, or even increasingly continued in the
Samurlu necropoleis also in the end of the Hellenistic
Period. he stone sarcophagus no. 877/66 and the rich
indings, indicate that a more-than-average wealthy
woman/young woman was buried, despite the skeleton
ceased to exist. he funeral gifts of twenty pieces greatly
varied from small bone objects to golden earrings and
bowls. he cosmetic containers were dominant in this
grave context with seven unguentaria, one lead pyxis
and a glass alabastron. hese containers point out the
fact that the wealth of the deceased has a direct efect
of 50% in relation with scent belief in the cult of dead.
Figure 9. Grave 879/14 from Kyme
(photograph by Özden Ürkmez)
he graves dated to the Early Roman Period in the
Samurlu Necropolis (irst and second century AD) vary
by grave types. Despite this variation, it can be said that the graves were less elaborated and
the funeral gifts were poorer. However, the only fact remained change was the continued and
abundant use of cosmetic containers (unguentaria) in the grave contexts. Even that as for the
contexts of many graves with multiple gifts, the only containers found therein was unguentaria.
In the pithos grave no. 877/53 (ig. 10), the bones of the deceased probably buried in hocker
position were completely destroyed, whereas the three unguentaria left as gifts for the deceased
Figure 10. Grave 877/53 from Kyme
(photograph by Özden Ürkmez)
62
Figure 11. Grave 877/60 from Kyme
(photograph by Özden Ürkmez)
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Kahramanmaraş Sütçü İmam University, Turkey
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survived until today. he pithos grave no. 877/60 (ig. 11), reveal a common tradition belonging
to the Early Roman Period and the strong existence of death – scent relationship based on the
same context characteristics in the Samurlu necropoleis. he 0.81m. long grave no. 877/60 and
the parallel lower leg bones towards the lower end of the grave suggest that it belonged to a child.
his is an indication also of the fact that the importance attached to scent in the cult of dead based
on perfume containers as prevalent in the Hellenistic Period was relevant not only for the adults,
but also for the children as well. he stroter grave no. 877/55 is important for representing the
way the perfume container technology as changed and preferred during the Early Roman Period
was relected to the grave contexts. Only one out of four unguentaria found in the grave was
earthenware and left singly to the feet section. On the other hand, three glass unguentaria were
placed together with a bronze mirror next to the right arm of the understandably female deceased
lying in supine position. he gifts left in the simple inhumation grave no. 877/45, including
cista, hairgrip etc. show that the grave belonged to a woman. he four unguentaria, all torn into
pieces, except for one, including one earthenware and three glass ones, found in the grave that was
preserved in a rather bad condition, indicate that, the importance attached to the death-gravefragrance relationship strongly continued in the 877 necropolis even in the latest phases thereof.
Şaşal Necropoleis of Colophon
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he graves included in the Şaşal Necropolis cannot be said rich in terms of their contexts.
his is correlated with the anthropological analyses of the deceased in the necropolis. Upon
anthropological examination of the skeletons found in the Şaşal Necropolis, it was seen that the
deceased were from an undernourished agricultural community. he gastrointestinal deformations
induced by iron deiciency and the rather high prevalence of osteoarthritis were asserted as a proof
thereof.70 he 7km. distance between the necropolis and the main city, Colophon, indicates that
the deceased buried in the necropolis were residents of a village/town of the main city. However
a review of the 69 grave contexts dated to fourth century BC and second century AD suggests
that unguentaria were among the indispensable funeral gifts from the earliest to the latest graves.
For instance, the most frequently occurring gifts, after unguentaria, were the oil lamps (11).
Nevertheless, all these belong to the Roman Period. Only the number of unguentaria unearthed
in situ at the grave contexts were 15, and that they were used from late fourth century BC to
second century AD. In other words, the only funeral gift used in all the periods was the cosmetic
container unguentarium. his shows us that for at least 500 years, the society attached importance
to scent in terms of burial customs and afterlife belief in the Şaşal Necropolis.
‘Journal of Intercultural and
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Located 7km. to the North of the Colophon Ancient City, is also 1km. to the northeast of the
renowned Tunç Baklatepe Mound. It was named after Şaşal, due to its location of 1.5km. to the
northeast of the Eski Şaşal Village. A salvage excavation was conducted in 2000 and 2001 at the
necropolis. As for today the Şaşal Necropolis is inundated by the Tahtalı Dam. In two years the
salvage excavation covered an area of 550m2 in the Şaşal Necropolis and a total of 69 graves were
unearthed. Majority of the graves in the necropolis, the northern borders of which could not have
been accessed, were of stroter type. here are 30 stroter graves and they are the earliest types of
graves in the necropolis (fourth – third century BC). he other grave types, with the majority of
cists, were urn, pithos, and simple inhumation. It is understood that these graves were started to be
used in the Late Hellenistic Period, the frequency of which increased by the Early Roman Period.
he early graves, included in the Şaşal Necropolis dated to the end of the fourth and third
century BC, were all of stroter type (ig. 12). An overview of the burial traditions revealed that
70 Erdal et al. 2002: 1 f.
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REMARKS ON THE POSSIBLE USES OF THE PERFUMED OILS, OINTMENTS, AND ITS CONTAINERS IN THE CULT OF DEAD FROM THE
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Figure 12. Stroter Graves of Şaşal Necropoleis of Colophon
(photograph by Özden Ürkmez)
the gifts were very poor, and even that there was no gift in
some of the graves (ig. 13). In all the stroter graves, where the
deceased laid in supine position, the occurrence of unguentaria
was proportionally higher than that of the other gifts. One of
the two gifts placed in the grave no. M.26, an Early Hellenistic
Period grave, is unguentarium. Similarly one of two gifts left in
the graves no. M.30 and M.31 are again unguentaria. As seen
in the stroter grave no. M.32, unguentarium is the form of the
gift in graves with a single gift. Despite the rareness of the grave
contexts dated to the Early Hellenistic Period, the fact that at
least one unguentarium occurred in graves with gifts must be
an indication of the importance attached to scent in the cult of
dead. Cist graves began to be used with the second century BC,
along with the stroter type of graves. hese at the same time are
the earliest cist type of graves in the necropolis and constructed
by putting up two parallel natural stone series with the head
and feet sections left open. Among those the gifts placed in Figure 13. An opened Stroter Grave
from Şaşal/Colophon
M.41 include two igurines together with an unguentarium. In (photograph by Özden Ürkmez)
other words, the fact that the scent approach survived in the
cult of dead despite the traditions pertaining to the grave types changed by the second century BC,
must be indication of how the dead and scent relationship was powerful.
An overview of the Early Roman Period graves in the Şaşal Necropolis shows that the same
tradition remained in force. In this period the variations of grave types and the occurrence of
funeral gifts relatively increased. he fact that oil lamps, which never appeared in the grave contexts
of the Hellenistic Period, occurred frequently in the Roman Period graves is an example of the
traditions changed in the necropolis with the Roman period. Notwithstanding above, the only
64
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feature remained unchanged in the grave contexts can be said to be the placing unguentaria in the
graves. he grave no. M.36 is a good example of the fact that stroter grave tradition continued in
the necropolis also in the Early Roman Period. Especially the fact that three out of four funeral
gifts in the context were unguentaria, show how important the scent was in the cult of dead during
the said period. While the tradition continued the only diference was evident in the form of the
unguentaria, and that in line with the fashion of the period, the unguentaria took the piriform
without feet. he basic inhumation type of grave no. M.61, belongs to a woman as evidenced with
the bronze mirror, oil lamp, and glass unguentarium left together to the feet section. As understood
from placement of the oil lamp among the funeral gifts, this grave show us the continuance of the
scent tradition, perhaps the most important belief regarding the cult of dead, together with the
new traditions. he most frequently occurred cosmetic containers in especially the various types
of graves in the necropolis dated to the Roman Period were glass unguentaria.
Günlük Necropolis of Patara
Located in to the southeast of Anatolia, Patara was one of the most important harbour cities of
Lycia Region. here are two necropoleis of Patara to the north of the city center, namely Tepecik
and Günlük. he former, Tepecik necropolis is located along both sides of the northern land route
to the city. he necropolis, a 150m. section of which has been unearthed during the excavations,
has sarcophagi dated to the Late Hellenistic and Early Roman Periods. Due to the fact that the
graves were always in sight, they were exposed to robbery beginning from the late ancient period.
However, the Günlük Necropolis, to the north of the city, is diferent from the Tepecik Necropolis
in terms of both the types of graves and the indings. All graves in this site are underground grave
chambers placed on the slopes. he untouched in situ context of a part of these graves provided
the opportunity to reach important and multi-aspect data with regard to the burial traditions
especially in the Lycia Region.
71
72
73
74
75
İşkan-Yılmaz and Çevik 1995: 189; İşkan and Çevik 1999: 163
Uygun 2000; Özüdoğru 2002; Baybo 2003; Işın 2007; Dündar 2008; Şahin 2010.
Dündar 2008, 12, 27–30 pls. 1, 23 nos. U5, U184–189.
İşkan-Yılmaz and Çevik 1995, 207-210 igs. 6-9.
İşkan and Çevik 1999: 187–216.
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he unguentaria ranks the irst among the indings from the graves. It was seen that the number
of unguentaria reached approximately to a hundred in certain graves (ig. 14). he earliest artifact
was dated to the end of the fourth century BC and the latest to the end of the irst century AD.73
Along with these ceramics, a number of terracotta igurines, glass unguentaria, and metal objects as
coins, strigilis, and mirrors, and jewellery were found in the graves.74 However, the research showed
that because of multiple and continuous burials, these graves did not have a single context.75 he
fact that a large quantity of unguentaria was unearthed in Patara underground grave chambers,
‘Journal of Intercultural and
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Until today 58 underground grave chambers were excavated and approximately 10% of which
were found to have survived until today in situ. Carved into the soft main rock (marn) these graves
have a dromos type of entrance. It is seen that the doors were closed with a very smoothly processed
cover stone following the dromos. he grave chambers are generally in the form of a square or a
rectangle. he rectangular pits in the middle of the graves are standard in almost all graves. hree
sides of the rectangular movement pits are surrounded by berms. he research showed that the
graves were used repeatedly. It was understood that after the berms were brimmed, the bones
therein were swept to the rectangular.71 Several studies on the indings from the graves suggested
that the burials could be dated from the end of the fourth century BC to beginning of the second
century AD.72
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REMARKS ON THE POSSIBLE USES OF THE PERFUMED OILS, OINTMENTS, AND ITS CONTAINERS IN THE CULT OF DEAD FROM THE
FOURTH CENTURY
BC TO THE SECOND CENTURY AD: IN THE LIGHT OF THE NECROPOLEIS OF KYME, COLOPHON, AND PATARA
Figure 14. In-situ inding complex of underground chamber tomb 43 (Patara Excavations Archives)
with a rich context of indings, must be an important indicator of the importance attached to
scent and perfume ofering for the cult of death.
It was seen that the unguentaria indings group continued throughout the Hellenistic Period,
also survived the Early Roman Period. he fact that the graves were used for at least 200 years
and that unguentaria were placed repeatedly with each burial indicates that this belief remained
in place during aforementioned periods. It was observed that during the Roman Period, fusiform
unguentaria, together with the piriform, and the Eşen (globular) types, a regional form, found at
large quantities in the graves (ig. 15). he fact that above-mentioned new unguentarium form that
was only found in the Lycia Region upon research until today may indicate that the importance of
scent in the cult of dead and the nice-smelling tradition was also strong during the Roman Period.
Figure 15. Fusiform, piriform and the Eşen type unguentaria from underground chamber tomb 48
(Patara Excavations Archives)
66
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he underground grave chambers that could have survived robberies until today and the in situ
examples among them made it possible to suggest propositions regarding the place of unguentaria
in the system of beliefs in Patara. he unguentaria as found in the graves, unlike the ceramics for
daily use and similar functions similarly left in the graves, were considered special ceramics that
are far from functionality, inappropriate for daily use, and produced for funeral ceremonies.76 he
fact the rims of some of the unguentaria were broken suggested that the same could have been
broken on purpose during burial. he positioning of these poor quality and serial production
ceramics in the graves can be related to the funeral rites. he fact that a large quantity of said vials
for a burial (an average of 50 to 60 units) was found in graves suggests that these could have been
used in liquid oferings during the rites. hey were suitable for once only liquid (or perfume?)
ofering during the funeral rite due to their poor quality paste and permeable grain. he grains
and the forms of the paste verify that these artefacts were left in the graves as votive or gifts for the
deceased, and that, although, it is not deinite, their use might be related with the rites and liquid
ofering during the burial ceremonies as mentioned above. Nevertheless, the skulls lined up on the
brims inside the grave chambers indicate that the graves were family graves and may be a relection
of the respect shown to the ancestors during new burials. Especially the fact that the male and
female possessions were all together in the gifts is an indication of the fact that the deceased were
buried together without a regard to gender and with strong family ties. Hundreds of unguentaria
used in the grave chambers must be relection of the importance attached to the scent within the
cult of dead, together with the strong family times above.
General Evaluation
76
77
78
79
Dündar 2008, 44.
Anderson–Stojanović 1987, 120-121; Kurtz and Boardman 1985, 191f; Dündar 2008: 73–75.
Hom. Il. 24.791.
Rotrof 2006, 139; Dündar 2008: 73.
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An overview of Kyme necropoleis provides that the great majority of the grave contexts were
composed of cosmetic containers, and the unguentaria were on the top of the list. his was
continued from the fourth century BC to the second century AD. In addition thereto, it can be
said that the workmanship on the containers were very good, when compared to the necropoleis
and of-necropoleis indings from other regions. he same situation is also valid for the Colophon
necropolis. Despite the fact that the grave contexts are rather poor, it seems that unguentaria
had been the most important funeral gifts in all the periods the necropolis was used. Although
‘Journal of Intercultural and
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he place of the unguentaria, which constitute at least 95% of the cosmetic containers found
in Kyme, Colophon, and Patara in the system of belief or in the grave burial tradition during the
ancient period, has not been precisely identiied. his is because of the fact that the aforementioned
ceramics were found in various places (residences, graves, temples, etc.) in many settlements and
used in diferent ways. However, the general opinion suggests that this ceramic group is comprised
of vials used for the carriage of perfume and alike balmy substances. Furthermore, the fact that
these vials were found in almost all of the necropoleis of excavated ancient settlements suggest that
they may be directly related to burial traditions. Here a distinction should be made and that the
functions of unguentaria and other ceramic groups that had been placed in the graves as funeral
gifts should not be confused. Despite the fact that the relevant studies fail to deinitely assert the
function of unguentaria in the graves,77 it is known that water, oil, or wine were used in the funeral
ceremonies,78 and that the said vials are suggested to be in relation with the use of above liquids.
Besides, taking into consideration that perfumes were also used in the funeral ceremonies, it is
conceived that unguentaria may have been appropriate funeral gifts.79
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REMARKS ON THE POSSIBLE USES OF THE PERFUMED OILS, OINTMENTS, AND ITS CONTAINERS IN THE CULT OF DEAD FROM THE
FOURTH CENTURY
BC TO THE SECOND CENTURY AD: IN THE LIGHT OF THE NECROPOLEIS OF KYME, COLOPHON, AND PATARA
the neighboring regions, namely Ionia and Aiolis necropoleis had similar characteristics, it can
also be said for Patara that they were the diferent applications of the same understanding. he
unguentaria placed in the graves in Patara, unlike the ceramics for daily use and similar functions
similarly left in the graves, should be considered special ceramics that are far from functionality,
inappropriate for daily use, and produced for funeral ceremonies. he fact the rims of some of the
unguentaria were broken, and the pieces thereof were next to them in the in situ graves suggested
that the same could have been broken on purpose during burial.80 Early studies assert that until
recently in Greece, specially prepared ceramics were broken by throwing to the loor after the
liquid ofering in front of the residence and at the graveside of the deceased.81 During excavations
broken ceramic pieces were unearthed at the entrance of Mycenaean grave chambers. Liquid
ofering to the deceased was prevalent especially in Mycenae and Argos.82 A large quantity of
bottomless lekythoi found in the graveyards suggested that they could be ceramics broken during
the ceremonies on purpose.83 In the recent ceremonies considered to be conducted by maintaining
the ancient traditions, it is seen that almost all the procedures are based on a common idea. he
common aim of the liquid ofering at the residence of the deceased, during the transfer to the
grave, or at the grave side was the redemption of the spirit of the deceased.84 It was also thought
that the sound of breaking ceramics would scare Charon away.85
In conclusion, the Ancient Aegean and South-western Anatolian societies, which had the same
vision of world with the Mesopotamian and Egyptian societies, attached great importance to
scents and perfume containers as shown by the Kyme, Colophon, and Patara necropoleis. We
think that at least the perfume containers in Kyme and Colophon were used during the prothesis,
perhaps, for the preparation of the deceased and then left next thereto in the grave in order it can
be used before appearing in the court in the afterlife. On the other hand in Patara, with a slightly
changed understanding, they were broken and left in the graves for at least a certain period of
time, so that they would accompany the spirit of the deceased to the afterlife. We think the true
aim of leaving these perfume containers as funeral gifts in all necropoleis was trying to keep the
body alive, which begins to smell bad after death, with fragrance and airming by the society the
nobility of the deceased before the afterlife judges and gods. his is because of the fact that the
road to heaven passes from the said understanding.
80
81
82
83
84
Dündar 2008: 72–73.
Politis 1894: 31; Grinsell 1961: 475f.
Grinsell 1961: 482.
Politis 1894: 29; Grinsell 1961: 482–483.
he water for these ceremonies was brought from outside the house and pottery employed was called ἀρδάνιον
(Poll. 7.65); Politis 1894: 33. his tradition continued during the Roman Period as well as during the Mycenaean
Period; Grinsell 1961: 477.
85 Grinsell 1961: 477. here were many curses said during these ceremonies in which the bricks were also broken as
well as the pottery; Politis 1894: 39–41.
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BC TO THE SECOND CENTURY AD: IN THE LIGHT OF THE NECROPOLEIS OF KYME, COLOPHON, AND PATARA
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Pfhul. E and Möbius, H. 1977. Die ostgriechischen Grabreliefs. Mainz am Rhein: Von
Zabern.
Pfuhl, E. and Möbius, H. 1977. Die Ostgriechischen Grabrelief. Text und Tafel Band I. Mainz
am Rhein: Deutsches Archäologisches Institut.
Pfuhl, E. and Möbius, H. 1979. Die Ostgriechischen Grabrelief. Text und Tafel Band II.
Mainz am Rhein: Deutsches Archäologisches Institut.
Polat, G. Anadolu Akhemenid Dönemi Plastik Eserleri. PhD dissertation submitted to the
University of Ege.
Politis, N. G. 1894. Greek Folklore. On the Breaking of Vessels as a Funeral Rite in Modern
Greece. he Journal of the Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland 23:
28–41.
Pryce, F. N. 1928. Catalogue of the Sculpture in the Department of Greek and Roman
Antiquities of the British Museum, I. London: British Museum.
Reinsberg, C. 2001. Der Polyxena-Sarkophag in Çanakkale. Olba 4: 71–99.
Robinson, H. S. 1959. Pottery of the Roman Period: Chronology. Agora V. Princeton, NJ:
American School of Classical Studies at Athens.
Rotrof, S. I. 1997. Hellenistic Pottery Athenian and Imported Wheelmade Table Ware and
Related Material. Agora XXIX. Princeton, NJ: American School of Classical Studies
at Athens.
Rotrof, S. I. 2006. Hellenistic Pottery: he Plain Wares. Agora XXXIII. Princeton, NJ:
American School of Classical Studies at Athens.
Russell, J.B.R. 1999. Şeytan, Antikiteden İlkel Hıristiyanlığa Kötülük Tasarımları. Trans.
Plümer, N. İstanbul: Kabalcı.
Şahin, F. 2010. Patara Metal Eserleri. Unpublished MPhil dissertation submitted to the
University of Akdeniz.
Şahin, N. 1993. Beyaz Lekythoslar Işığında Klasik Devirde Atina’da Ölüm İkonograisi ve
Ölü Kültü. Ege Üniversitesi Arkeoloji Dergisi 4: 143-167.
Sevinç, N. 1996. A New Sarcophagus of Polyxena from the Salvage Excavations at Gümüsçay.
Studia Troica 6: 251-264.
Siebert, G. 1981. Eidola: le problème de la igurabilité dans l’art grec, Méthodologie
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Smetana-Scherrer, R. 1982. Spätklassische und hellenistische Keramik. In: Walter, H. (ed.),
Alt-Ägina II-1. Mainz: Philipp von Zabern.
Smith, A.H. 1900. A Catalogue of Sculpture in the Department of Greek and Roman
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Steuernagel, D. 1998. Ein spätarchaischer Sarkophag aus Gümüsçay im Museum von
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Sonuçları Toplantısı 22(2): 299–310.
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Journal of Intercultural and Interdisciplinary Archaeology
Aromatic essences in ancient Nubia: the sacredness
of perfumes and incense in the Meroitic kingdom
Marco Baldi
(University of Pisa – ISMEO)
mbaldi83@libero.it
Introduction
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Founded by Antonella D’Ascoli in 2003
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he traditional outlook, widespread for a long time, has considered ancient Nubia a simple
appendage of Egypt, from which the local populations would have derived most of their social,
religious and artistic values. In the last decades, new inquiries and the revision of past ones
have been showing that Nubian people were able to bring into being a rich own civilization,
especially during the Meroitic period (270 BC – mid-fourth century AD). his was expressed in a
polymorphic society (Baud 2010: 76-78) that was able to harmonize autochthonous elements and
foreign inluxes in a new peculiar culture (ig.1).
Figure 1. Map of Nubia showing sites quoted in the text (by Marco Baldi).
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Aromatic essences in ancient Nubia: the sacredness of perfumes and incense in
the Meroitic kingdom
Also daily customs and temple and funerary rituals linked to the consumption of perfumed
oils, burnt incense and ointments, witness the heterogeneous nature of Meroitic Nubia: the strong
and manifold Egyptian inluence with its millenary tradition, together with Hellenistic and Asiatic
goods, was revised to achieve original solutions enriching the indigenous heritage.
Perfumed oils were obtained from vegetal elements. Nubian people exported raw materials1
and in turn received inal products, especially from Egypt, while there is not sure evidence on a
local production, except few epigraphic clues.2 he use of recovered grinding stone for making
perfumes, after etnographic observations, could not be veriied until now (Meyer 2010).
he incense, very often used for manifold occurrences, was instead obtained from indigenous
and imported resins. he term “incense” describes a range of aromatic substances derived from
a variety of gums from trees of Burseraceae family, that produce a pleasant odour when burned.
In archaeological literature it is usually used to indicate both frankincense, a gum resin obtained
from trees of genus Boswellia, and myrrh, a gum resin extracted from trees of genus Commiphora.3
Although the organic material is rarely preserved, containers and tools, in addition to
iconographic sources and comparisons with other cultures, indicate that the use of aromatic
essences, suggested for Nubia already from late Neolithic era, became more common during the
Meroitic period, especially in a high social level context. Tombs have yielded most of handiworks,
that were used for funerary rituals and then were included among grave goods; nevertheless, a
number of evidence in religious and residential buildings indicate that the consumption of these
matters was really widespread in daily life for religious, medical and cosmetic purposes.
he difusion of perfumed oils
he actual knowledge on perfumed oils is mainly based on Meroe cemeteries, but signiicant
indings have been brought to light in nearby el-Kadada, as well as in Lower Nubia and in northern
Upper Nubian sites. Such essences were a common part of the richest grave goods from the irst century
AD until the fall of the Meroitic kingdom in the mid-fourth century, and in few known cases in the
immediately next period.4 In addition to libation vessels,5 the containers of aromatic essences constituted
in fact the liturgical assemblage, used for burial rituals, that the dead brought with him. heir content,
suggested by the analogy with Mediterranean forms, has been conirmed by unguents that in some
cases have partly survived dehydration, though analysis failed to identify them with precision.6
Oil and ointment lasks were usually set in number of one for each tomb, but in some cases they were
two or more, sometimes placed in wooden boxes.7 Anyway, the speciic number of containers would have not
meant diferent rituals, as suggested by tomb N18 in Meroe: the preserved box could contain nine samples,
but only seven were still inside; the other two, found on the burial surface, were evidently took for making
the funerary rite. he placing of more perfumed oil bottles, although the ritual needed one or two ones, had
maybe to relect the high social status of the dead (Lenoble 1998: 135; Dunham 1957: 149-52, ig. 98).
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
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Some texts quote e.g. a “Nubian Herb” (Byl 2012: 77). In some cases Nubian goods were object of tribute to
pharaohs (for a Nubian tribute scene from the temple of Ramses II at Beit el-Wali, see AA.VV. 2010: ig. 116). For
Nubians depicted on Apadana bringing oferings to Achemenid king, see Fantusati 1999: ig. 21.
he 3rd Dynasty tomb of Hesure, at Saqqara, shows the depiction of thirty-nine fragrant oils; in one name, tpj ḥ3t
stj šm ‘sm‘j, Altenmüller (1976: 23, n. 13) has identiied a Nubian oil.
Incense was more rarely obtained from other trees, as some ones of genera Acacia (family Fabaceae) and Pistacia
(family Anacardiaceae).
For Lower Nubian X-Groups see Adams 1986: 187. In Upper Nubia, for the emblematic case of el-Hobagi see
Lenoble 1994.
For libation rituals see Lenoble 1995.
For Sai see Geus 1996: 1187; Welsby and Anderson 2004: cat. 310-11. In a glassware at Gebel Adda Millet has
identiied attar of roses, but it is unclear on which bases (1963: 159).
Among emblematic cases, in Sedeinga tomb WT6 were twelve samples (Leclant 1973), whereas in Meroe they were
nine in N18 (Dunham 1957: 147 n. 21-3-652, 21-3-680, ig. 98a-d) and eight in W179 (Dunham 1963: 177 n.
22-2-404, 22-2-411, 22-2-415, 22-2-417, 22-2-419, 22-2-426, 22-2-428a, b, ig. 132a).
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13
14
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12
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10
11
he sherds of a handle and a neck have been found in Meroe city (SNM 23008).
Glass is mainly known from burials, whereas few inds have been reported from settlements. For Meroe see Shinnie
and Anderson: 235; for Tila Island see Edwards 1996: 106-114.
Although sometimes ruthless, the action of robbers cannot justify the complete lack of glassware in so many cases.
he setting of Sedeinga on trade routes from western desert to Nile valley and its probable character of customs site,
could explain the greater quantity of import goods. Nevertheless, few coeval necropolises have been methodically
excavated, therefore the available data are still absolutely partial.
Although some scholars have suggested an autochthonous production of glass (Leclant 1973; Lenoble 1998: 134),
the topic has been much debated (among most recent papers, with further bibliographic references, see e.g. Cool
1996; Edwards 1996: 31-32; Gradel 2009; Nenna 2010).
It was likely only object of diplomatic exchanges.
he known poor quantity of glassware in the Nubian territory makes however hard that the imports were the result
of trades, but they were more likely object of diplomatic exchanges, payments of taxes, gifts or souvenirs.
In Lower Nubia, for Semna see Žabkar and Žabkar 1982: 25-26; for Faras see Griith 1924: 153, pl. XXXI/Ia-IIIj;
Shinnie 1967: 130 f., pl. 82; for Karanog see O’Connor 1993: 154 n. 132-33; Török 1989: 147 n. 215, 148 n.
221; Woolley and Randall-MacIver 1910: 72, pl. 38; for Ballana see Williams 1991: 158-59, pl. 95. See also Ricke
1967: ig. 64/b12/3, b11/9. In Upper Nubia, for Kerma see Reisner 1914: ig. 7; 1923: igs. 20, 60-61; for Sai see
Francigny 2012: pl. 13; Geus et al. 1995: ig. 13/b; Vercoutter 1979: ig. 11e; Welsby and Anderson 2004: cat. 310.
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In the tombs that were not disturbed by robbers, the artefacts respectively linked to libations
and pouring of perfumes are often close each other, usually in proximity to the head of the corpse:
according to Lenoble, who reported the case of el-Kadada, this could suggest a link between the
two rites, that mutually became stronger (Geus and Lenoble 1985: 75; Lenoble 1998: 130).
It is however unclear if Meroites knew the exact original use context of the diferent ware
typologies that were imported with their contents and that were often imitated – balsamaria,
unguentaria, aryballoi, lekythoi and alabastra. heir distribution does not appear to follow speciic
rules, neither in the tombs which had two or more essence vessels, that have showed an uniform
or heterogeneous corpus. At the evidence, diferent wares accomplished the same ritual.
Besides, in Meroe tombs, despite a rich assemblage the total lack of aryballoi,8 that were frequent
items in the rest of the kingdom and in same Butana, does not ind a clear explanation. For unclear
reasons, this typology was not considered suitable for the tombs of the most important Meroitic persons.
he perfumed oil lasks recovered in the Meroitic assemblages had been made from manifold
materials. According to Manzo, this relects the point of view of the ancient users, who primarily
considered shape and function of the artefacts rather than their material, despite the modern
scholars’ distinctions (2013: 340).
For the funerary equipments a speciic material was however sometimes preferred to its
technological properties or its social value; especially glass lasks were only in the wealthier tombs
of the main political centres. Generally speaking, glass has been rarely attested in the Meroitic
sites,9 and always in poor quantities (Gradel 2009: 114-16),10 with the exception of Sedeinga,
whose cemetery yielded a greater number of evidence.11
Essence containers constitute a very good rate of glass indings, and in Meroe cemeteries glass
remained the only material for these wares during the entire lifecycle of the kingdom. At least
regarding the higher social level tombs, which have had greater archaeological attention until
now, Lenoble has suggested that only a glass production, which imitated imported artefacts, was
destined to funerary equipments in the capital (Lenoble 1998: 134).12
he dating of known pieces in Nubia allows to distinguish two phases of the difusion of glassware.
During Hellenistic times glass remained a high social status material,13 and its occurrence is limited to
the most relevant centres of Meroe and Gebel Barkal (Dunham 1957; 1963). After the Roman conquer
of Egypt, and particularly from the second century AD, import goods were more widely distributed;14
although in a few samples, glassware spread in the richest tombs of the major administrative centres15
on the whole of the Nubian territory (Edwards 1996: 32; Gradel 2009: 115-16).
Glass balsamaria, usually blue-green coloured and up to 10 cm high, appear frequent artefacts
ever from irst century AD (Hofmann 1978: 201-208; Nenna 2010: 126) (ig. 2). he ovoid, squat
or round body is completed from a long cylindrical neck, whereas are rarer colourless ovoid forms
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Aromatic essences in ancient Nubia: the sacredness of perfumes and incense in
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whose neck is narrower at its bottom. Some
ones are incised or decorated with applied
threads. he irst century ledge rims were
later replaced by out-lared ones, common
during third and fourth centuries.
In the second century tombs have been
found the more ancient imported glass
unguentaria, with conical footless base,
long cylindrical neck and ledge rim (ig.
3). Greatly widespread round-bellied twohandled aryballoi, from heavy pale green
or colourless glass, seem to be appeared
during the following century; their body
is often decorated with round and linear
incisions (ig. 4).
Figure 2. Meroe, Urban cemehe occurrence of glass footed handled
tery, Balsamarium.
long-necked lekythoi, with cylindrical body
Marbled glass. 1st
and a wide mouth, seems instead to be
century AD (ater
limited to the western cemetery of Meroe
AA.VV. 2010: cat.
165).
(Dunham 1963: 161 n. 22-2-167, ig.
117a (W 125), 166 n. 22-2-194 (W 126), 172 n. 22-2-235, ig. 125i
(W 130), 177 n. 22-2-417, 22-2-419 (W 179)). he only known
example of glass two-handled amphoriskos, with an elongated
pointed shape and an oblique rim, has came from Sedeinga (AA.
VV. 2010: cat. 166; Wildung 1997: cat. 438).
he funerary glass however remained a very rare good among
provincial élites,16 whose burial equipments have included
imported pot-wares17 and their local wheel- and handmade Figure 3. Sedeinga, Unguentarium.
Glass. 2nd – 3rd century
ine,18 and rarely less depurated,19 ceramic imitations,20 whereas
AD (ater AA.VV. 2010:
a faience production was rarer.21 In a few cases, the local copies
cat. 167).
were from Mediterranean bronze containers.22
In addition to almost slavish imitations, in some cases there was a freer local interpretation of foreign
prototypes, by creating original items. For example, at el-Kadada a peculiar vase, thought for containing
perfumed oils, seems to combine the shape of a pyxis with shoulder and rim typical of aryballoi (Lenoble
1998: 133, ig. 1/4).
In the same site has been brought to light a very singular janiform two-handled ceramic lask (AA.
16 Among rare known examples, at el-Kadada were brought to light an aryballos (Lenoble 1998, pl. I) and other
unidentiied fragments (Geus 1982: 184).
17 According to Török (2011: 277 f.), there was a Mediterranean production specially made for the Meroitic market.
18 he greater known assemblage of ine pottery imitations from Roman essence glassware imports has been found
in Classic-Late Meroitic el-Kadada, that yielded a heterogeneous corpus of oil lasks, among which a peculiar
amphoriskos; the ceramic specimens were usually set on beads textiles to avoid the contact with the loor, and were
often associated, for liturgical (?) purposes, with little bronze cups (Lenoble 1998). A lask from Shemkhiya is
peculiarly covered by impressions (Żurawski 2008: 153-56, ig. 20), maybe imitating the embossed surface of many
glass and metal prototypes (see Manzo 2013: 350); some glass perfume lasks with embossed surface have been
discovered in Meroitic burials (Ricke 1967: abb. 64/b12/3; Woolley and Randall-MacIver 1910: pl. 39).
19 For a coarse aryballos from Gabati see Edwards 1998: 146, ig. 6.16 <1401>.
20 For the skeumorphism in Meroitic pottery see Manzo 2013. For workshops producing these imitations see Török
2011: 253 f.
21 For a faience aryballos, recently unearthed at Dangeil, see Anderson and Salah 2011: 85, pl. 21.
22 For examples of imported bronze oil wares, for Faras see Griith 1924: pl. LV/4-6; for Karanog see Woolley and
Randall-MacIver 1910: pls. 30, 32.
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Marco Baldi, University of Pisa – ISMEO
VV. 2010: cat. 121; Lenoble 1998: 133-34, igs.
1/3, 3; Manzo 2013: 350-51, ig. 2/c), that was for
sure a local production judging from ine ceramic
material (ig. 5). he two human faces, partly
broken, show the aesthetic canons of Meroitic
ba-statues (Francigny 2010b); wadjet forms were
impressed for making eyes and other pieces were
roughly applied for moulding hairs, ears and noses.
his ware does not reproduce a Meroitic form,23 but
it inds its models, freely reinterpreted, in Egyptian
and northern Mediterranean anthropomorphic
prototypes (Lenoble 1998: 134).24
he decorative motifs chosen by Meroitic
artisans, although rarely used, conirm the
religious character of these imitations, as
expressed from the apotropaic value of wadjet
rd
th
Figure 4. Semna, Aryballos. Glass. 3 – 4 century AD and uraei, and from a possible soteriological
(ater AA.VV. 2010: cat. 168).
reader of sorghum and human face.
he sacredness of the aromatic essences
he difusion in many provincial aristocratic burials, and more rarely in popular ones, of ceramic
imitations of perfume lasks, probably with the linked rituality, is expression of the inluence of
the Meroitic religious institutions in marginal contexts. In addition to their meaning as prestige
goods marking rank, the adoption of objects and habits that were typical of the royal funerary
rites, sometimes paralleled by similar monumental tombs, highlights the desire to imitate the
patterns of the richest and important igures of the kingdom. Reproducing elements of the royal
ideology and its soteriological outlook, it was hoped to share the faith of the king in the afterworld,
© 2014
Figure 5. El-Kadada, Perfumed oils lask. Pottery. 3rd – 4th century AD (ater Lenoble 1998: ig. 3).
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23 he late Meroitic tomb 22 in Kerma yielded an anthropomorphic, but no janiform, ceramic alabastron (Reisner
1914: ig. 7; 1923: 44).
24 For an imported glass janiform lask see Millet 1963, ig. 10. See also the bronze Hellenistic human headed situla
from Faras tomb 71 (AA.VV. 2010: ig. 118; Griith 1924: 163, pl. LIII/2).
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the Meroitic kingdom
achieving the deiication through unction and libation rituals.
As deducible from wares and ofering tables, in the funerary context perfumed oils had to
purify the corpse through its ritual unction,25 made in diferent way depending on speciic ware
used for (Lenoble 1998: 127 f.). Narrow necked forms with slightly out-lared rim would have
allowed the partial or total unction of face or body of the dead, whereas round bodied forms with
ledge rim indicate aspersion or dumping. Further suggestion is the unction through the direct
contact of the wares against the body: the neck limited the dripping of the oil and the ledge rim
prevented its dispersion (Lenoble 1998: 128).26
Besides, several Greek-Roman depictions highlight the importance of handles or belts to allow the
suspension of round- and lat-bottomed containers.27 As suggested by some survived examples,28 it is therefore
very likely that added elements were ixed to handles or neck of the wares in order to help the dumping.
On early Meroitic chapels in the royal cemetery of the capital, winged Isis, in the act of giving
a new life to royal neo-Osiris, or an oiciant pour out some perfume from an upside-down lask.29
In the late period the dumping is only on ofering tables, and coeval royal chapels. Coeval royal
chapels often show a diferent rite: the oiciant holds an elongated tool, whose proximal end is
hawk-headed, whereas the distal one represents a hand on which is a sort of vase, set nearby a royal
igure. In the Lenoble’s opinion, inside it there is a perfume that spreads or incense that burns,
depending on reading of the swinging element which comes out: a lare or the representation of
the scent (1998: 136). Other scholars, including the writer, see the lare of burnt incense whose
eluvium reaches the nostrils of the royal igure (Yellin 1990: passim; Török 1997b: 514).
his iconography, that had an ancient Egyptian origin,30 had been also portrayed on early
Meroitic chapels, on a little scale and in a marginal position of the overall relief.31 In later chapels it
conquered a greater role, by occupying most of one or more walls32 and by being depicted in royal
tombs in Jebel Barkal, too (ig. 6).33 In the last Kushite pyramids the depiction of this ritual partly
left the space to libation scenes by Anubis and Nephtys, very recurrent on the ofering tables.
Especially from late irst century BC, on royal chapels the seated tomb owner, carved near
a niche containing a igure of Osiris, receives libations and/or incensement, from a prince but
mainly from a variety of Egyptian gods. Oferings made to the dead ruler by gods themselves, and
the performing of rituals not just for Osiris, but also for the tomb owner, are unEgyptian elements;
it was supposed that the tomb owner was considered to be Osiris himself (Yellin 1995: 2875),
and libations and incensement or unction had to contribute to deify the dead, transiguring him/
her in neo-Osiris.34 In fact, as well as the god statues in the temples received incense, unction and
25 For an epigraphic source on the purifying function of perfumed oils see e.g. the text in raised hieroglyphs north of
the Kawa Amon temple T door (Török 2002: 107).
26 Acts on a few ofering tables can also suggest such interpretations. See e.g. the table C 40164 at Karanog (Woolley
and Randall-MacIver 1910: pl. 20).
27 E.g., the portraits of Greek athletes sprinkling their own body with oil from aryballoi.
28 At el-Kadada, a glass aryballos had a bronze ring inserted in a handle (Lenoble 1998: 128, pl. I). At Faras, bronze
handles were often attached by metal rings put in the aryballoi handles (Griith 1924: 153, pl. XXXI/Type 1b). At
Karanog tomb G 45, a glass aryballos was enriched by two twisted bronze rings passing inside its handles (Woolley
and Randall-MacIver 1910: 249, object 7352, pl. 38).
29 See e.g. Beg. N 7 (Chapman and Dunham 1952: pl. 4E), Beg. N 8 (Chapman and Dunham 1952: pl. 5C), Beg. N
13 (Chapman and Dunham 1952: pl. 11A, B).
30 As in state cults, Meroitic funerary religion conciliated indigenous elements with a strong Egyptianisation.
31 See e.g. Beg. N 12 (Chapman and Dunham 1952: pl. 10B) and Beg. N 13 (Chapman and Dunham 1952: pl. 11A).
32 See e.g. Beg. N 2 (Chapman and Dunham 1952, pl. 15A, B), Beg. N 6 (Chapman and Dunham 1952: pl. 16B)
and Beg. N 22 (Chapman and Dunham 1952: pl. 18B, C). he depiction of this ritual on more walls of the same
chapel, also through tools with more vases, could suggest the contemporary use of diferent perfumes and explain
the presence of manifold oil containers in some tombs (Lenoble 1998: 136-37).
33 Especially in pyramids 2, 3, 4, 5, 6.
34 he combination of libations and incensement is evident in Beg. N 7, on which south wall is depicted, on the lower
part, a priest who pours out the libation with right hand and holds the incensement tool in left one (Chapman and
Dunham 1952: pl. 5A).
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Marco Baldi, University of Pisa – ISMEO
Figure 6. Meroe, Northern cemetery, Pyramid N6, Funerary chapel, South-western side. 2nd half of the 1st century
BC (ater Chapman and Dunham 1952: pl. 16b).
libations, and were made up, the same treatment had to be reserved to the dead by allowing his/
her sacralisation (Lenoble 1998: 138).35
Despite their non-inding in royal equipments, wooden tools with a inal hand, analogous to
depicted ones, have been brought to light in northern aristocratic burials, by conirming the real
making of this ritual during funerary ceremonies.36 Besides, the funerary equipment of all social
classes dead included cosmetic materials and tools, especially but not only for women, having
therefore a double value: going along to the dead to the afterworld and assuring his/her divinization.
Cosmetic instruments, known for Nubia from late Neolithic (Rampersad 1999: passim) and
Kerma periods (Bonnet 1990: 71-86), were in fact a very recurrent occurrence in Meroitic burials,
whereas it is rarer their inding in residential contexts. he more typical equipment is a set to
contain and apply galena (kohl), a plumbiferous mineral, easy to be found, used for eye paint37
also in present Sudan. In addition to some ceramic38 and metal39 samples, the very arid climate of
Lower Nubia has allowed the preservation of wooden kohl tubes,40 locally made from indigenous41
or imported42 woods. he tubes, usually closed through a lid, are of diferent shapes,43 but more
often circular, and sometimes enriched from ivory or bronze inlays and decorated with geometrical
or religious motifs. he sets were completed by iron and bronze tools for applying galena.44
here are then attested in many burial equipments locally made coarse ware ceramic dishes on
a stand, having diferent possible heights (ig. 7);45 they are often identiied as ofering trays, but,
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35 Among iconographical examples of censing a god statue, for the Meroitic Amon temple at Amara see Török 2002:
256. An instrument with an hand-formed end found in a Kawa temple suggests that a similar rite was really made
(Macadam 1955: 170).
36 In pyramid 1 at Gebel Adda (see Millet 1963, p. 163, ig. 15). Its lack in royal burials could be due to robbers or
disintegration of wood.
37 For Ballana and Qustul scientiic analysis have allowed the identiication as galena (Williams 1991: note 80). For
earlier identiication see Lucas and Harris 1962: 80-84.
38 See e.g. Beg. N 18 (Dunham 1957: pl. LXXI/B).
39 For a Meroitic bronze tube see Beg. N 30 (Dunham 1957: ig. 114 n. 21-3-470).
40 For Ballana and Qustul see Williams 1991: 152 f.; for Karanog see Woolley and Randall-MacIver 1910: pl. 23; for
Gebel Adda see Millet 1963: passim. In Upper Nubia, for Sai see Vercoutter 1979: ig. 10/d.
41 he use of Zizyphus spina-christi has been recognized for a kohl tube from Ballana (Williams 1991: 103 note 19).
42 For the employ of Dalbargia sp. at Sai see Welsby and Anderson 2004: cat. 312.
43 For peculiar zoomorphic tubes from Gebel Adda see Millet 1963: igs. 11-12.
44 Fragments of galena have been found e.g. in burials at Ballana (Williams 1991: 162) and Sedeinga (Leclant 1973:
note 75).
45 A funerary bronze sample, of local production too, has been found in the tomb W154 in Meroe western cemetery
(Dunham 1963: 235 n. 22-2-359). In the same cemetery has been brought to light a faience stand typologically
linked to Cypriot-Phoenician metallurgy (AA.VV. 2010: cat. 161; Pierrat-Bonnefois 2010: 121).
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especially during late and post-Meroitic period, they were used as incense burners. It was suggested
that this function spread to replace the perfumed oils, whose importations had decreased (Lenoble
1994: 95; 1998: 138-39). Such incense-burners, often found with charcoal, were sometimes
placed outside the burial chamber and used to purify the tomb (Francigny 2010a: 256).46
Figure 7. Meroe, Western cemetery, Tomb W108, Incense burner. Pottery. 1st century BC – 1st century AD (ater
Wildung 1997: cat. 409).
On the other hand, the conception of incense as sanctifying element is evident in the temple
context. In the Amon temple T at Kawa, the king performs the puriication of a pellet of incense
before a ram-headed Amun, and in the scene legend “incense” is written as snṯr, also meaning “being
made a god”. In this case the king was initiated to his royal oice and divinity was transferred to him,
formally unifying him with the god (Macadam 1955: 94, pl. XIX/b; Török 2002: 106) (ig. 8).47
46 For the purifying function traditionally assigned to the incense see e.g. the Great Triumphal Stela of year 21 of Piye
(Eide et al. 1994: 62-112).
47 For analogous cases, for the Dakka temple see Lobban 2003: ig. 13; for the Mandulis temple at Kalabsha see Byl
2012: 200; for the south front of the Apedemak temple at Musawwarat es Sufra see Hintze 1962: ig. 9; for the
scene on the top of a donation stela of Aryamani at Kawa Temple A see Macadam 1949: pls. 32-33; for a stela of
Adikhalamani from Philae see Farid 1978: pl. 9. See also the scene incised on a bronze bowl found at Gemai (Török
2002: 276-78, ig. 43; Wildung 1997: cat. 304).
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A Nubian history of the incense
Although most of the Meroitic rituals had an Egyptian origin, the burning of incense in a
funerary and religious context is known for Nubia from very ancient times, and during Meroitic
period dishes on high stand as incense burners have been brought to light in ceremonial48 and
residential49 buildings.
Figure 8. Gemai, Tomb 115, Incised bowl. Bronze. 1st century BC – 1st century AD (ater Wildung 1997: cat. 304;
Török 2002: ig. 43).
Stone incense burners found in A-Groups cemeteries,50 mainly at Qustul,51 mostly dated between late
4 and early 3rd mill. BC, highlight in the Nubian land a custom unknown in coeval Egypt (Török 2011:
42-43). he best-known burner, from tomb L 24 (Seele 1974; Williams 1986: 108-109, pl. 34), was
decorated with incised Egyptian motifs whose exact meaning has been being a much debated subject.52
he lack of chemical analysis on residual burnt substances found at Qustul does not allow to
know their source, but, considering the veriied involvement of A-Groups in international trade,53
one cannot exclude a foreign origin. It has been particularly deduced a trade network of coeval and
later Nubians with Horn of Africa,54 where it was likely located the land of Punt (Kitchen 1990: 173),
that was the incense-producing region par excellence to the Egyptians. Nubian people assured for
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48 For Musawwarat es-Sufra see Edwards 1999: 22, pl. IX/778; Seiler 1999: abb. 63, taf. XII/2-7.
49 For Kawa see Török 2002: 293; for Meroe see Grzymski 2003: 69, ig. 30/P. 2, 9, 18, pl. XIII/c; Robertson and Hill
2004: pl. III/b; Shinnie and Bradley 1980: igs. 42, 133, 135; Török 1997a: ig. 130/x-51, 52; for Abu Erteila see
Baldi 2013: 237, ig. 7.
50 A-Groups culture developed in lower Nubia between 3800 and 2800 BC.
51 About thirty samples (Williams 1986).
52 See Michaux-Colombot 2010 with further bibliographic references.
53 See e.g. Hatke 2013: 4; Török 2011: 42.
54 Pottery from Gash Delta, in eastern Sudan, suggests a Nubian inluence during third mill. BC (see Hatke 2013: 4
with further bibliographic references).
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a very long time the trade intermediation between Egypt and Africa, including Punt (Roy 2011).55
In an Edfu temple a Ptolemaic inscription, therefore contemporary to the early Meroitic period,
listing trees producing the incense called ‘nty56 diferentiates resins of Punt from that of Nubia,
considering Punt incense superior and Nubian one inappropriate for religious use (Chermette and
Goyon 1996: 66). In addition to earlier sources,57 this suggests the existence and use of unidentiied
incense trees that were indigenous of Nubian territory, or that were however perceived as Nubian
by the Egyptians. here are also signiicant the epithets reserved in the Egyptian texts to Dedwen,
a Nubian god who represented Nubia and its resources, especially incense, from a very early date
(Kormysheva 2010: 223-31; PT 803, 994, 1017, 1476; CT IV, 375, 377).58
Apart from some genera, as Acacia and Santalum (Asensi Amoros 2003), whose low quality
resins were unlikely imported by the Egyptians, no incense tree species are known for Nubia,
whose had access mainly to species as Boswellia papyrifera and Commiphora gileadensis from nearby
overland regions (Boivin and Fuller 2009: 137-40, ig. 9) (ig. 9). In addition to pinaceous resins
at Qasr Ibrim (Evershed et al. 1997), the samples of incense trees recovered in Meroitic and postMeroitic sites were attributed to these two genera: Commiphora gileadensis at Meroe (Shinnie
and Anderson 2004: 366 n. MR7-8, MR7-9) and Berenike (Cappers 2006), and an unidentiied
species of genus Boswellia at Qasr Ibrim (Evershed et al. 1997).
As suggested by literary sources and archaeological evidence, Meroe was a stage of several trade
routes from and to Asia, Egypt and central Africa. One cannot therefore exclude that the incense
for sacral uses was among import goods from abroad.59
he poor enough quantity of recovered remains is due to the amorphous nature of frankincense,
that makes it easily overlooked during archaeological excavations. Nevertheless, the heterogeneous
difusion of incense burners and survived organic materials, brought to light in diferent contexts,
highlight the manifold employs of the incense during the Meroitic period. Among domestic uses,
an erotic ritual provided for women vaginal fumigations before sexual relations with their own
husbands. In the absence of written and iconographical sources, ethnoarchaeological comparisons
has allowed to attribute this function to potwares put inside a hole into the loor.60 he woman
squats over the hole, naked under a blanket which traps the fragrant smoke, that in present Sudan
is usually obtained from sandalwood or other locally available aromatic substances.
55 Regarding possible contacts with Nubia, Egyptian inscriptions airm that Puntites traded with their neighbours
(Kitchen 1990: 174-77), and at Kerma, a 1700 BC painting depicts a very similar landscape than Puntite one
depicted in reliefs from Ḥātshepsūt temple (c. 1480 BC) (Boivin and Fuller 2009: 140 with further bibliographic
references). An evidence about early Nubian involvement in Egyptian trade with Punt has recently brought to light
at Wadi Gawasis, the Red Sea port from which Egyptians sailed to Punt, at which Nubian third and second mill BC.
sherds have been found (Manzo 2010). A relevant iconographic source of Egyptian-Nubian trades is at Qurna in the
tomb of Khaemhat, Overseer of the granaries of Upper and Lower Egypt under Amenhotep III (XVIII Dynasty, 14th
century BC) (Pino 2005). For a recent Raman analysis on resins from Egyptian sites, that has conirmed the use of
unEgyptian species, see Edwards et al. 2004: especially 224, 230-32, ig. 16.
56 he other term used by the Egyptians to deine incense, snṯr, indicated a resin of species Pistacia terebinthus (Nielson
1986: 14), widespread in several near eastern regions and therefore available closer to Egypt.
57 In his biography inscribed in his tomb at Aswan, VI Dynasty explorer Harkhuf (23rd century BC) records the
incense among goods that he brought in Egypt from Nubian land of Yam (the same text quotes, among imported
goods, ḫs3jt, that Török 2009: note 100 has hypothetically interpreted as an aromatic material). Besides, a mention
of ‘nty from Nubia (ToNehesy) is in the Chronicle of Osorkon (XXIII Dynasty, 8th century BC) (Caminos 1958:
126, 134), but Nubian ‘nty is however extremely rare in Egyptian written sources. he Egyptian terms for the
oferings of perfumes, unguents and incense, irj.mdt, and the linked ritual, ir.t dw mdt, are derived from mdt, in turn
derived from the Lower Nubian territory that was source of aromatic incense (Forbes 1955: 4, 43). See also Pino
2005: 102.
58 For the reference to Dedwen as Kushite god in Election Stela of Aspelta, see Eide et al. 1994: 234.
59 Innes Miller 1974: passim.
60 For the archaeological evidence see e.g. Eigner 2002: 21, abb. 8. For present day examples, for sedentary groups see
e.g. Eigner 2007: 114, pl. 10; Welsh 2005: 19, pl. 6; for nomadic groups see Bradley 1992: 51.
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Figure 9. Areas of main economic frankincense and myrrh species (ater Boivin and Fuller 2009: ig. 9).
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he very partial deciphering of the Meroitic writing and the unreliability of classical authors,
inluenced by a widespread fable and mythical vision of African populations, leave to archaeology
and archaeometry our knowledge of Meroitic civilization, whose nature has been primarily
deduced from funerary and temple structures.
From the beginning of the last century, archaeological work in Nubia has been yielding the
evidence of an original and heterogeneous civilization, which was able, especially from the Meroitic
period, to create a peculiar syntax between the rich autochthonous heritage and several foreign
inluxes.
he difusion of aromatic substances and the religious meaning linked to their use, are examples
of the Meroitic capacity to receive customs of foreign extraction and revise them in accordance
with indigenous traditions. A high number of evidence reveal aspects of the Meroitic daily life,
but especially the sacredness attributed to perfumed oils, incense and cosmetic equipment. It was
increased by regular and several importations, that enriched the long-lived Nubian religious and
soteriological beliefs and encouraged a peculiar local craft production.
Our knowledge of source, employ and sacral meaning of aromatic essences is nevertheless still
partial. In addition to the impossibility to read Meroitic writing, this is particularly due to the hard
preservation of organic materials and to the little attention that the Nubian archaeology has usually
reserved to residential buildings, in favour of religious and funerary structures. Further inquiries
would particularly allow a clearer picture of the less-known Meroitic daily life.
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Woolley, C.L. and Randall-MacIver, D. 1910. Karanog: the Romano-Nubian Cemetery.
Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania.
Yellin, J.W. 1990. he Decorated Pyramid Chapels of Meroe and Meroitic Funerary Religion.
In Apelt, D. (ed.). Studia in honorem Fritz Hintze (Meroitica 12). Wiesbaden:
Harrasowitz Verlag, 361–74.
Yellin, J.W. 1995. Meroitic Funerary Religion. In Temporini, H. and Haase, W. (eds). Aufstieg
und Niedergang der römischen Welt. Teil II: Principat Band 18.5. Berlin–New York:
Walter de Gruyter, 2869–92.
Žabkar, L.V., and Žabkar, J.J. 1982. Semna South. A Preliminary Report on the 1966-68
Excavations of the University of Chicago Oriental Institute Expedition to Sudanese
Nubia. Journal of the American Research Center in Egypt 19: 7–50.
Żurawski, B. 2008. Shemkhiya 2006/2007, from Archaeology to History. In Gratien, B. (ed.).
Actes de la 4e Conférence Internationale sur l’Archéologie de la 4e Cataracte du Nil. Cahiers de
recherches de l’Institut de papyrologie et d’égyptologie de Lille, Supplément. Lille: Université
Charles de Gaulle, 143–60.
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Journal of Intercultural and Interdisciplinary Archaeology
The Mystery of Drugs and Perfumed Olive Oil:
‘samim’ and ‘besamim’ in Incense and Holy Anointment Oil
Miri Brumer
Botanist, Hatter Laboratory for Coastal and Harbour Archaeology,
University of Haifa, Israel
Miri.brumer@gmail.com
1. Introduction
Ancient cultures discovered and utilized the medicinal and therapeutic values of plants as spices and
drugs and incorporated the burning of incense as part of religious and social ceremonies. he usage of
plant materials was based on experience and belief. he ancients didn’t know the components in the
plant and their function. Medical, pharmaceutical, cosmetic, psychoactive, ritual and social ceremonies
usages of oil, spices and drugs are diicult to distinguish.
Since plants bear perfumed medication naturally, their attributed qualities can be considered as
healing due to their odor alone, namely aromatherapy:
2. Health and longevity.
he olive is an evergreen tree, native to the Mediterranean coasts. It became symbol of health,
fertility, longevity as well as a metaphor in prayer request:
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Our voyage back in time, using archeological data and written sources, began approximately in the
third millennium BCE. Egyptian hieroglyphics, describe daily scenes using perfumes, incense and
their preparation. Most of the information on the Egyptians life style derives from objects prepared in
connection with death, which relects their attitude to life (Manniche 1999: 127-128).
he Ebers papyrus, one of the oldest Egyptian medical papyri, c. 1550 BCE, already provided us medical
prescriptions for ailments. Its prescriptions diferentiate between the use of medications and perfumed
anointing oil and the use of incense plants. hese diferentiations appear in the Israelite period, a later
source, in the Bible. Despite the gap in time, additional data appears in the Mishnah, the Talmud and
other Jewish literature. Data also appears in the Greco-Roman literature by heophrastus (371-287
BCE), Plini (23-79 ED), and De Materia medica of Dioscorides (40-90 ED).
In this study, we present scientiic data using biochemistry of botanical extracts that veriies traditional
uses and identiies novel therapeutic applications. We conclude that if scientists had appreciated the
ancient practices outlined in the old Egyptian papyri, as the use of mouldy bread, “…the world would
not have had to wait until 1928 for Alexander Fleming’s chance discovery of penicillin.”(Ghalioungui
1963: 143; Wickens 2001: 317-318). Nowadays, most of the cosmetic products, perfumes and many
medical substances are based on identifying bioactive plant materials and their utilization, by isolating
and purifying the active therapeutic agents, or by their chemical synthetic imitations.
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he form of therapy in which body disorders are treated by aromatic oils which, apart
from their perfume, have strong antibacterial properties, often with antispasmodic or
spasmolytic, stimulatory, cicatrizant, antifermentative and hormonal properties (Wickens
2001: 317).
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The Mystery of Drugs and Perfumed Olive Oil: ‘samim’ and ‘besamim’ in Incense
and Holy Anointment Oil
[…]My old age is like a fresh olive tree1[…] hey shall still bring forth fruit in old age;
they shall be fat and lourishing; (Ps. 92:10, 13-1)
To achieve ‘old age like a fresh olive tree’, it was necessary in ancient times as today, to maintain
health, to prevent diseases, to heal the sick, to ensure the welfare of the body and delight the soul.
hose were the duties of the Physician and the Perfumer.
2.1 he Olive Oil – he best nutrition
he olive oil was the primary source of oil in the Mediterranean diet, known to be one of
the healthiest. he most frequent use of ritual oil in the Bible, was for individual meal ofering,
‘minhah’: Grain or lour baked in the oven, mixed with oil or spread with it (Lev. 2:4), which
indicates a dietary pattern. he “pleasing odor to the LORD” (Lev. 6:21), was the mixture of oil
and frankincense. Perfume, derived from fumar- to smoke, is rendered by sweet oil and good ine
oil (smn htwb) (Weinfeld 1987: 192-195).
he customary high intake of olive oil, best fulilled the need for nourishment, health and
pleasure. It contained high mono-un-saturated fatty acid and minor components especially
phenols, polyphenols and vitamin E., which are strongly bioactive, in a dose-dependent manner.
hese molecules are associated with a decreased risk of cardiovascular disease, obesity and type 2
diabetes. hey improve blood pressure, reduce triglycerides and increase high-density-lipoprotein
(HDL–cholesterol). hey show anti-inlammatory and antioxidant properties (Lopez-Miranda et
al 2008: 1-11).
Virgin olive oil (VOO) had also a strong bacteriocidal activity against a broad spectrum of
microorganisms and food borne pathogens like Listeria, Salmonella and Shigella (Dysentery).
Consequently, these results open up the possibility of using olive oil as a food preservative to
prevent the growth of food borne pathogens or to delay the onset of food spoilage (Brenes,et al,
2010: 1013-1019). In antiquity, without the use of cooling techniques and sanitation, no wonder,
as we learn from the laws about meal oferings, that in addition to cooking with oil they used to
immerse in oil or cover the food with it. Maybe to prevent its spoilage?
2.2 Cosmetic Uses
VOO is the primary crushed oil, which must be delicate as possible without breaking the
pits. According the Talmudic sources, one can even press the olives directly on the body and
then embrocates himself (Yerushalmi, Maaseroth 4:1; Preuss, 1978: 370, 537). Moreover, “Oil of
myrrh that enpikinun. Is oil of olives not a third grown. Why is it used for smearing? Because it
removes hair and makes the skin soft”, hence the high quality of cosmetic oil. herefore it was used
to melt the precious myrrh resin in the enpikinun (‘omphacium’) olive oil (Babylonian, Megillah
1:13; Dioscorides1959: I-73). Plini (15, 2) advises to use for medicinal purposes, oil “obtained
from the raw olive and when it has not begun to ripen”.2 In scientiic words: Phenol compounds
in the fruits continue to be oxidized with time and lose their eiciency. Moreover, during the
blossoming and the fruit ripening period, the growth activity of the tree almost stops and most of
1
2
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I strongly agree with the interpretation of Loewenstamm (1999: 178-184) following LXX,
Vulgate and some Botanists interpreting the Hebrew word “balloti” as “my old age”. (cf. Gen.
18:12) hey translate the verses in full compliance with the image of the olive and its features.
cf. Feliks (1992: 291- 298) (Hebrew)
cf. Dioscorides,( 1959: I 29-30) ; heophrastus (IV.15) about the ‘omphacium’ oil : “ he olive-oil which is most
used is that which is pressed from ‘coarse olives’ in the raw state, since this is thought to be the least greasy and the
least coarse..”
Miri Brumer, Hatter Laboratory for Coastal and Harbour Archaeology,
University of Haifa, Israel
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the metabolites that created are transferred for the beneit of the plant’s reproduction–lowers and
fruits. Towards the end of this period, the tree begins to renew its growth. he production of the
phenol compounds concentrate now in the young leaves and branches. Even compounds which
are accumulated in the fruits begin to be absorbed back. Oxidation and concentration decrease of
the phenols reduce the bioactive eiciency of the oil in the fruit (Alagna et al 2012: 1-2).
he range of evidence about using olive oil for cosmetic purposes is perhaps the most varied and
impressive. here are two liquids, said Pliny (14,150), that are especially agreeable to the human
body, wine inside and oil outside.
he oil was used as protection, part of personal hygiene and cosmetics that helped maintain the
health of the people in the open dry air of the scorching desert and the heat in Israel from birth
(Ez.16:10-11) to old age.
Anointing feet (Deut. 33:24), head and beard were essential for hygienic, customs that had become
a blessing and was symbolized luxury:
3
4
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A similar blessing was found in feast scene painting on a tomb of a wealthy man from the 18th
dynasty in hebes, Egypt. It also emphasis white garments, anointing ine oil on the shoulders, for
life and health (Manniche 1999: 95). Here, as well as in the scriptures, the perfumed oil is deined
as ‘ine oil’, perfumed with frankincense and myrrh, a sign of wealth and opulence.
he word oil speciies olive oil as the refreshing sensation of oil on skin was as familiar to Bronze Age
as to latter day users, in skin care and protection such as dryness, eczema, free-radicals scavenging,
anti-inlammatory and delaying aging efects of the skin cells. Olive oil can activate the cutaneous
metabolism and therefore induce emollience and hydration, has anti UV photo protection and
anti-aging properties. he olive oil oleic and linoleic acids, which nowadays can be found almost
in every medical and cosmetic product, can also induce suppression of the skin pigmentation
(Boardman at el. 1976: 193).
Essential oils when incorporated into olive oil, create a synergistic efect impart many beneits
such as: a pleasant aroma in perfumery and incense, shine and conditioning efects in hair care,
emolliency and improving the elasticity of the skin, slowing the formation of wrinkles in sun
exposed skin (Aburjai and Natsheh 2003: 987).
Olive oil and especially its Oleic acid, act as a percutaneous absorption enhancer of several drugs, allowing
their permeation. hen, both can develop their therapeutic activity at the surface of the skin, continue to
deeper histological layers by difusion, and even enable drug access to the blood. hey can also be absorbed
through the hair follicles, the sebaceous and the sweat glands (Ruiz et. al, 2010:1133-1252).
Dioscorides in De Materia Medica (2000: I: 30-31, I-81, I-75.), includes a large number of
medicinal uses in fragrant spices when added to oil as an ointment. he ointment treated and
tranquilized burns and cold blisters, stopped bleeding and bruising.4 Now, these can be explained
as the plants’ tannins connecting with proteins, transform, and precipitate them. hus shrinking
damaged tissues and turned them into scars.
Modern studies of topical applications of VOO, have shown, that the polyphenols in olive
oil exhibit protective activity against inlammation and anti-edematous efects, which plays a
signiicant contributory role in the majority of dermatologic disorders. Olive oil also contains
Oleocantal with analgesic properties as the non-steroidal anti- inlammatory drug—Ibuprofen
(Alagna et. al. 2012: 1-2; Beauchamp et. al. 2005: 45-46; Ruiz et. al. 2010:1135).
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Let your garments always be white; do not let oil be lacking on your head. […] all the days
of your vain life that are given you under the sun […](Eccl. 9:7-10) 3
New Revised Standard Version
Cf. heophrastus( 35VIII): “ he Megalion perfume to relieve the inlammation caused by any wound, as is
composed of oil, cassia cinnamon and myrrh, and all these have astringent and drying properties”.
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The Mystery of Drugs and Perfumed Olive Oil: ‘samim’ and ‘besamim’ in Incense
and Holy Anointment Oil
“R. Hanina said: he warm baths and the oil with which my mother anointed me in my youth
have stood me in good stead in my old age”(Babylonian, Hullin, 24b ).
2.3 Seduction
In addition to hygiene, when females used perfumed oil their main intention was, seduction. It
enhanced the female’s sexuality which was usually intended for conception and birth.
Plini (XIII 20) argued that “he highest recommendation on perfumes is when a woman passes
by, her scent may attract the attention even of persons busy doing something”.5
In the book of Ruth, Naomi said to Ruth:
Now wash and anoint yourself, and put on your best clothes and go down to the threshing
loor; […] When he lies down, […]; then, go and uncover his feet and lie down; and he
will tell you what to do (Ruth 3:3-4) 6
he Aramaic version of Ruth (Brady 2002:v. 3:3; Levin 1973: v.3.3)7: “Wash yourself with water,
anoint yourself with perfumed oil, put on your jewelry […]” clariies even more, since the meaning
of the swk (sukh- )סוךin the Bible is: “To anoint with oil only for the cosmetic treatment of the
body, usually after bathing”(Gesenius 2005). Although the text may use the simple term ‘oil’
(shemen )שמןfor the oil itself, it makes clear by description that this oil is perfumed.8
In ancient Persia: “he turn came for each girl to go in to King Ahasuerus, [ …], since this was
the regular period of their cosmetic treatment, six months with oil of myrrh and six months with
perfumes and cosmetics for women”( Est. 2:12).9
he perfume herbs where immersed in olive oil for extracting the smelling substances, various types
of fragrant aromatic, essential oils. In the plant, their main role is to act as smelling substances that
attract, namely seduce pollinators and seed distributors. Similar to this role of smell for the plants,
bathing in oil and aromatic herbs and smoked in herbal vapors, which would have also hygienic and
therapeutic value, prepared the girl for the conjugal bed.10
On the second millennium BCE, long before the stories on Ruth and Esther, the Hurrian myths
knew already this seduction secret: “Istar, the Queen of Nineveh…washed herself…She anointed
herself with ine perfumed oil”... And the expected result was: “Hedammu sees the beautiful
goddess, and his penis springs forth. His penis impregnates…”!!! (Ayali-Darshan 2011: 128-131).11
For Homer’s heroes and women, a bath was a matter of a good wash with water, followed by a rub
with oil leaving the body glistening. Hera, preparing to seduce her husband Zeus:
5
Cf. “Because the daughters of Zion are mincing along as they go, tinkling with their feet’ (te’akasnah) (Isa.3:16). ..R.
Isaac …said: his teaches that they placed myrrh and balsam in their shoes and walked through the market- places
of Jerusalem, and on coming near to the young men of Israel, they kicked their feet and spurted it on them, thus
instilling them with passionate desire like with serpent’s poison” (Babylonian, Shabbath, 62b).
6 Ibn Ezra (Abraham Ben Meir) on the verse: Oil that smells good. And see: “Inanna, as her mother told her, Bathed
herself in water, anointed herself with good oil, Coveres her body with the grand qweenly garment”( “he Marriage
of Inanna and Dumuzi”, col. II lines12-14; Y. Sefati, 1998: 291)
7 'ּוׂ ִמין ותשויאי תכשיטיך
ְ 'ּת ַחלְ לי ְב ַמיָ א וְ ִתּוכַ יי
ְ
8 But the anointment of God’s elected (priests and kings) is described by the term mashaḥ (( )משחGreen2011: 67;
Milgrom1964: 53-55; 517-519)
9 Cf.: heophrastus (42X): “ the best for women are myrrh-oil, megaleion…and spikenard: for these owing to their
strength and substantial character do not easily evaporate and disperse, and a lasting perfume is what women
require”. And so. Cant., 4:13-14; Pro.7:17. Albright (1974: 28-29) compared the preparations to the custom of the
semi-nomadic Arabs of the eastern Sudan, also using myrrh, frankincense, and cinnamon..
10 he preparation rite of bathing, anointing and adornment characterize the sacred marriage (Fidler 2012: 262-264
[Hebrew; ] A. Rofe 2009: 152; Sefati 1998: 98).
11 “he Song of Hedammu” lines: 10-17; 24-26.
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anointed herself with the delicious olive oil she uses. It was perfumed, […], for its scent
to spread through heaven and earth. With this she rubbed In her lovely skin (Iliad 14,
171-175).12
Surely, goddesses and women were aware to the result of washing and anointing themselves with
ine perfumed olive oil, when they prepared to seduce Gods or men.
he awareness of a special fragrance emanating from a body ready for lovemaking was also
highlighted in similar description but on the Egyptian god Amon. He anointed himself with a
perfumed oil unguent in such a way that the queen’s palace was completely inundated by the divine
scent. he queen tempted, felt in love, and from their union in the sacred marriage, Hatshepsut
was born. Here also dominant the temptation via smell, and the perfume is used as an aphrodisiac:
“Is the scent with which the god announces his presence and the real sign of his divine sexual
virility” By Egyptian deinition (Manniche 1999: 92).
Whether they are added to bath, or massaged into the skin, inhaled directly or difused to scent
an entire room, these natural aromatic oils have been used for thousands years to relieve pain, care
for the skin, alleviate tension and fatigue, invigorate the entire body, and to produce a sense of
relaxation (Aburjai and Natsheh2003: 994; Dioscorides 200: I-52).
So it seems that, when Proverbs (27:7) states: “oil and perfume make the hart glad” it refers to
anointment rather then consumption (Kottek1996: 46; Preuss 1978: 371).
12 Boardman et al. (1976: 193) also: Hymn to Aphrodite 61-63; cf. “Anat Cleans Her Palace and Herself: Warriorblood is wiped [from] the house, oil of peace is poured in a bowl” And she sings on love and passion. ( Parker 1997:
108-109).
13 Also for women’s baths and perfumes to make them smell sweeter. See below Ex.30, on the same ingredients.
14 heophrastus (59) also mentioned the efects of plasters on the surface, but also on the interior parts when using
aromatic oil on the abdomen and chest.
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Being very delicate and acceptable to the sense of smell, by reason of its lightness it
penetrates and ills up the passages of the sense, so that being entirely taken up and illed
with it, it is unable to judge of others [. …..] the sense may be preoccupied with the
superior odour, so it is not easy to introduce after it what is inferior, since the sense of
smell refuses it (heophrastus: 45-48).
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It remarkable to note that the same ingredients of scented oil and perfumes used for enticing
in ancient medical Egyptian papyri, were also recommended in the gynecology section, for
fumigation with incense and anoint with fresh oil in the vagina area. We ind this again, after
over 2000 years, in Dioscorides prescriptions: An ointment containing fresh oil of unripe olives or
as incense, with similar ingredients like myrrh, calamus, mastic, styrax, spikenard, frankincense,
stacte (liquid myrrh) and cinnamon. hese to be used in treating ailments in the vulva area , and
infertility problems (Dioscorides 2000: 1-81, 1-62, 1-18, 1-17 etc.; Manniche, 1999: 114-115) 13
Ebers Papyrus ofers a perfumed oil treatment with acacia leaves that are used as a poultices to
covered the chest for treating heart and blood vessel problems. he prescription points out that
the aromatic substances penetrate into the bloodstream through the pores of the skin by difusion
(Manniche 1999: 114).14
Medical Egyptian papyrus, c. end of the 2nd millennium BCE, recommended fumigation with
scented compounds for treating mental state of a patient. Additionally, as a magico-religious mean
of communication between the various spheres, the earth, the divine and the Hereafter (Manniche
1999: 125).
heophrastus describes the efects of the rose-perfume:
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3. Drugs and Perfumes
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University of Haifa, Israel
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The Mystery of Drugs and Perfumed Olive Oil: ‘samim’ and ‘besamim’ in Incense
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Modern studies describe the efects of odors on memory and mood, since the fragrance
compounds in the oil, which absorbed into the body or by inhalation are able to cross the bloodbrain-barrier and interact with receptors in the Central Nervous System (CNS) (Aburjai and
Natsheh 2003: 995 ). Some drugs act as competitive inhibitors by binding to the active site of
an enzyme or receptor. hey prevent substrate entering the active site and therefore lowering the
reaction rate; inhibit the transporter reuptake of a neurotransmitter from the synapse. hese increase
the extracellular concentrations of the neurotransmitter, increasing the neurotransmission. Various
drugs utilize reuptake inhibition to exert their psychological and physiological efects, including
many antidepressants and psychostimulants.
Components such as those, were discovered in the etheric volatile oils of the incense plants, which
are referred to as drug incense (ketoret samim). hey have a psychoactive afects and hallucination
factors. For example, Acorus calamus-’qneh besem’ , the fragrant cane in the ‘holy anointing oil’ (Ex.
30:22), contains β-asarone, which has hlucinogenic properties. here are wide variations in the
psychoactive efects of these drugs, depending on the type of the plant used, preparation, method
of administration, dosage, personality of the user, social and cultural background (Wickens
2001:281,406).
Deoscorides already had warned that the use of incense for healing and pain relief is eicient but “taken
[...] by those who are healthy it brings madness, and taken [ ..] with wine, it kills” (Dioscorides 200:
1-81).15 Pain relief and some efects of drugs are two processes that take place in the brain in the same
manner. “Sola dosis facit venenum” only the dosage creates the poison (Phillipus Aurelus Paracelsus in:
Wickens 2001: 406). hus, the insertion of these compounds into oil and the use of them for anointing,
like we recognize from the ‘holy anointment oil’, made of perfumes, creates a partial and slow release of
the psychoactive fragrance molecules but allows the enjoyment of the perfume and its pleasant efects.
While preparing the perfume oil, the chosen fragrance component, is added last. he oil has
absorbed irst a relatively large amount of less powerful spices to thicken the oil, allowing
better absorption of the desired fragrance which his odor had to be imposed. he last inserted
always dominate even if it is in a small quantity. One can control the dominant component, its
concentration and the time it is soaking for choosing the desired efect- healing or temptation
(Middeke-Conlin 2014:14; heophrastus: 17; Plini: 13.19 ).
4. he Holy Anointing Oil and the Sacred Incense
he perfumed oil was something of luxury. Expensive aromatic substances, were imported into
Israel along the old spice-caravan routes: “Frankincense comes from Sheba and the sweet cane
from a distant land” (Jer. 6:20). While others, like ‘tzori’ exported to Egypt and the Mediterranean
as “…the choice products of the land” (Gen. 43:11). No doubt that the caravan trade which
followed spices routes through Israel, carried with them strong cultural inluences from allover the
ancient world (cf. Gen 37:25; Ezek 27:17 ; Jacob1993: 30).
he Bible is a religious document, glorifying the Lord as the source of healing. herefore, a little
indication is given about the depth of knowledge on drugs, opiates, narcotics, hallucinogens,
their uses and their medicinal qualities. But, all the procedures mentioned above, regarding the
preparation of perfumes, are expressed in the sole Israeli prescriptions available today, those that
instruct the composition of the ‘holly anointing oil’ and the ‘sacred incense’ in Exodus 30. hey
emphasize the need for a “work of a perfumer”(roqeaḥ)16, because much skill was requires to
15 On the Frankincense gum-resin.; cf. According to Rabbinic interpretation: “for the unqualiied, the incense ofering
holds a deadly poison:. (Ginzberg, 1911: 293; 305-306)
16 Ex.30:25, 35. Revised Standard Version (R.C.V.), New Revised Standard Version, New American Standard Bible.
But:” apothecary” in Authorized Version (A.V), King James Version
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A Holy Anointing Oil Blended as by the Perfumer
(Exodus 30:22-30)
Take the inest spices (perfumes):
The ingredients
Weight/Volume
4. Liquid Myrrh*
3. Sweet-Smelling
Cinnammon
2. Fragrant Cane
1. Cassia
Olive Oil
five hundred shekels
half as much = two hundred fifty
two hundred fifty
five hundred
A hin
Compounding sequence
Details of Preparation
You shall make of these a holy anointing oil, a perfume mixture,
the work of a perfumer; It shall be a holy anointing oil.
Figure 1. he Holy Anointing Oil Prescription
produce a high quality mixed product and was also a type of medical professional (MiddekeConlin 2014: 15). Both of these formulas are clear indication that the Israelis knew the art of the
pharmacist’s chemistry, composition of drugs, perfumes and how to use them. hese prescriptions
are remarkably similar to medical texts in the Egyptian Ebers Papyrus and to the Greco- Roman
literature as in De Materia Medica of Dioscorides (Crown 1969:30- 33; Castel, et. al. 2009: 327,
329-333; Harrison 1966: 52-53).
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In the Hebrew Bible description of the ingredients for the holy anointing oil (ig.1) ‘Rosh
Mor Dror’ is the irst on the list. he Hebrew meaning of the word ‘rosh’ (which the English
translations of the bible omitted ) is: head, irst, most important. Appearing with myrrh means
that myrrh is the most important perfume in the list (see also: Ez. 27:22; Dori 2001: 81). It is the
one that provides the dominant, spicy and most intense smell of the ‘holy anointing oil, a perfume
mixture’. he olive oil was the basis, the vehicle of perfumes, which has the least odor of its own
and making the fragrant odors last for a long time (Middeke-Conlin 2001:11-14; heophrastus:
14 IV-16). he Cassia, Fragrant Cane and Sweet-Smelling Cinnamon, are the spices which were
used as intermediate in the synthesis of the perfume substances, binding, thicken and ixative
agents to prolong the efects of the fragrant17. But, they had been widely used themselves or in
other combinations as fragrances in cosmetics, lavoring food additives, active ingredients in drugs
and as aphrodisiac (Jamshidzadeh et al. 2006: 209-214).
In a notable similarity, which conirm the ‘anointing oil’ compounding order that proposed above,
heophrastus megaleion perfume is compounded of cassia, cinnamon and myrrh mixed in oil.
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4.1 he Holy Anointing Oil (Ex 30:22-26)
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Miri Brumer, Hatter Laboratory for Coastal and Harbour Archaeology,
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17 Especially because chemical ixation abilities of the cinnamon’s cinnamic acid. (Wickens 2001: 287,301). Manniche
(1999:63) argued based also on heophrastus, that “ten years or more would be the life of myrrh unguent, with
cinnamon and cassia a close second. Obvious similarity for the anointing oil composition. See below.
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The Mystery of Drugs and Perfumed Olive Oil: ‘samim’ and ‘besamim’ in Incense
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he order in which the ingredients are introduced into the oil gradually builds the features of the
perfume. “he Cassia exceeds the Cinnamon and the myrrh in heat, pungency and stringency. he
Cinnamon has a fair amount of pungency and heat and, the Myrrh is hot, has a biting quality and
astringency” (heophrastus: 29-30).
4.2 he instructions for preparing the Sacred Incense: ketoret samim- Drug Incense
(Exodus 30: 34-38)
[…] Take sweet spices, stacte (nataf)18, and onycha (Sehelet), and galbanum (Helbenah), sweet
spices with pure frankincense (an equal part of each), and make an incense blended as by the
perfumer, […] (Ex. 30:34-35)
he translation of ‘sammim’ as ‘drugs’ seem more appropriate then ‘spices’ and remind the association
with medicinal herbs as the Akkadian šammu. (Green 2001: 66-67). his, in a diferent meaning
of perfumes or spices–‘besamim’, when regard to the ‘holy anointing oil’ which its ingredients may
be used as spices literally. Most of the perfumes are spices and even nowadays there is a connection
between the two terms. But, it is doubtful if the incense components described as drugs, were
actually used as spices. For example, the ḥelbena-galbanum, identiied with the Israeli plant ferula.
Its gum-resin has unpleasant odor and bitter taste, repulsive even herbivores, which made it most
unsuitable to be used as a spice (Dioscorides 2000: 3-97; Feliks 1968:276; Milgrom 1994:35-36).
Plini (12.61) mentions that it will drive away snakes by its smell when burned.
Four of the spices are explicitly mentioned in the Torah: hey are nataf, Sehelet-onycha,
Helbenah-galbanum and Lebhonah-frankincense. he others were communicated as halachah
communicated to Mosses at Sinai: Myrrh, cassia, spikenard and safron, costus, cinnamon
and Kilufah-Ceylonese cinnamon(Babylonian, K’rithoth 6a).19
he Bible refers to ‘sacred incense’ only as part of the ritual, but the word ketoret- and ktr,
suggest its real role: Burning of the incense, is a fumigation process. he incense used as
deodorant for expelling the sacriicial stench and as disinfectants to help maintain the health
of the people (Brim 1936: 13; Maimonides 1995: 3:45). hat could be done only due to the
chemical properties of the incense substances.20 From the worshiper’s point of view, incense acts
like a narcotic drug, afects people’s mind, elevating the senses and altering one’s mood (Frazer
1923: 52, 54; Nielsen 1992: 405).
he Hebrew text of Sirac (Ecclesiastics) 38:4, from the Cairo Geniza, use for the Aramaic word
‘sammin’ (drugs), the Hebrew word ‘terufot’ (medications) (also: Ez. 47:12 ‘leterufah’) (Crown1969:
35-36).
18 Nataf mentioned only once in the Bible. It usually identiied as storax, a balsam from the trunk of Styrax oicinalis
( libneh), growing in the Near East and one of the Israeli lora. Rather then balm (tzori) or stacte, the oil of myrrh
(Dioscorides 2000: 1-73). See discussion: Crown 1969: 36-37; Milgrom, 1994:1027-1028; Nielsen 1986: 62, 65.
19 he Talmudic Sages and Maimonides (Mishneh Torah, Kli Hmikdash, 2:1-3), gave also details of weight but they
had some diferences of opinion over the particular plants which was used as the source of the incense: Natafbalm, stacte, but more common styrax which Maimonides attributed to Helbenah-galbanum. Kilufah-Ceylonese
cinnamon in Maimonides and aromatic rind tree in k’erithoth.
20 For extensive details of the chemical properties of the incense substances see: Brumer, 2011: 218-222
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4.2.1 he Spikenard –Nard
Nard, a plant of the Valerian family (Valerianaceae). It mentioned as part of the ingredients for
the ‘sacred incense’ (ketoret) in the Talmud but not in the Bible. he Nard was used for manufacture
an aromatic essential oil which obtained as a luxury in the ancient world. In light of the physiological
evidence for the connection between scent, memory and erotic arousal, it can be understood both
descriptions in Song of Songs (1:12; 4:13) as erotic connotations: Perfume which used as a passion
drug and aphrodisiac. Moreover, like other species of the Valerianaceae, Nard oil has been used
as sedative drug, CNS depressant, medicine to ight insomnia, anxiety, birth diiculties, pain and
emotional distress which may occur during menstruation and menopause (Crown1969: 40; Dalby
2000: 86-88; Green 2011: 86-87). he Nard oil could be used as perfumed drug (‘sammim’) and
as Valerian medicine (‘terufah’) like the modern psychoactive drug Benzodiazepine, demonstrating
the functions of the incense ingredients.
4.2.2 he Frankincense- Lebonah
‘Lebonah’ (Boswelia), the fourth item in the incensse ingredients (Ex 30:34), is not included
in the drugs category. She has a sweet and pleasant aromatic smell when burned, used as incense
by itself and consumed in the temple with showbread (Lev. 24:7), and with olive oil (lev.2:1; 2:15
etc.) as individual meal ofering (minhah).
Dioscorides (I-81), mentioned it was used as an internal and external remedy, but can also causes
madness. heophrastus (21) also included the frankincense with myrrh and perfumes in general, as
spices because “almost all spices and sweet scents, […], are dry, hot astringent and mordant”. Current
research discovered the efects of incense on the brain. Frankincense (Boswellia sp.) is now understood
to possesses marked analgesic property, sedative efects, provoke psychoactivity, entheogenic efects
and even addiction, when the resin is burned and produced pyrochemical modiication. he addition
of other substances, would obviously synergize and potentiate the efects with inhalation. hey were
appreciated in religious rituals as they exert a profound efects on human consciousness, emotions
and cognition. Moussaief et al. (2008: 3024-3034) isolated Incenole Acetate (IA) as a major bioactive
component of Boswellia resin. IA showed an anti-inlammatory properties, as well as several CNS–
associated activities that causes anxiolytic–like and antidepressive–like behavioral efects and may
play a role in emotional regulation. IA is known as a macrocyclic diterpenoid, considered to be a
biomarker of Boswellia species(see also: Dannaway 2010:485-497; Menon and Kar 1971: 333-341).
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Papyrus Ebers ofers a deodorant by fumigation recipe as: “substances to use in order to make
pleasant the smell of the house or the clothes” without indication of the quantities. Among the
ingredients were: Dried myrrh, Incense (probably Frankincense), resin of aloes, ‘calmus-from-theland-t’ahi-in-Asia’, mastic (Pistacia lentiscus), and styrax. After preparations it instructed to put
on the ire (Bryan 1991:164). his recipe known in many more details in other ancient Egyptian
sources as Kyphi: ‘incense substance’ to sanctify the environment when burned (Manniche 1999:
47-55; see: Maimonides on the incense role §4.2). Dioscorides (I-24) listed it as a ‘perfume
welcome to the Gods’ but gives various medical uses in the most complete list of ingredients,
amounts, and preparations.
hese deinitions and the ingredients list are very similar to the ‘sacred incense’ and secular erotic
descriptions in the Bible like: he aroma of seduction that rises from the beloved (Cant.4:14); he
king’s clothes which perfumed with myrrh aloes and cassia before the royal wedding (Ps.45:8-12);
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he pathway of the harlot to attract boys for copulation is also the mixture of myrrh, aloes and
cinnamon which she sprinkled her bed with (Pro.7:17-18). hese detailed descriptions does not leave
any doubt that the biblical writers knew the power of these mixtures of aromata as an aphrodisiac, in
awakening love and sexual excitation (Brumer 2011: 214-215).
he Ebers medical prescriptions are much more accurate on the mode of preparation, very similar
to the structure of the ‘holy anointing oil’ instructions. Rubric 282 gives the aim of the recipe, a list
of ingredients and their relative proportions by fractions painted in red, details of preparation and
administration. he ‘sacred incense prescription is of the type of Rubric 283 where the ingredients
followed by vertical red strokes signify of equal proportion (Carpenter et al. 1998:18-21). he
time of administration is also important as the detailed instructions for burning incense in the
temple (Ex. 30:6-10; Ghalioungui 1963: 144- 145).
Tzori, was a certain plant-resin name, likely of local origin, Styrax oicinalis (LXX-styrakion: Gen.
30:37-39; Feliks1968: 118,246; cf.n.18). In Hebrew, it became synonymous with healing as it
was so prized for its medicinal values (Jer. 8:22; 46:11; 51:8). Mastic, it the Pistacia lentiscus resin,
which Dioscorides (I-91) identiied “as surpasses all other resins”. he resins were part of the
ancient Israeli export. hey used for incense, medicine and embalming (Brumer 2011: 215-217;
220-221). Styrax and mastic mentioned several times together with Frankincense and often with
myrrh, calamus, spikenard, cinnamon etc. by Ebers Papyrus and Dioscorides as part of remedies,
deodorants and ointments. Why almost the same mixture of resins, arriving from allover the
world, had to appear together in varied ancient prescriptions?
5. A few scientiic answers
he olive oil and the aromatic plants contain various secondary metabolites, some of them
toxic and dangerous. Plants produce them for their survival, as protection against variety of pests.
Microorganisms outbreak in the plant, causes an increase biosynthesis of phenols. It creates a type
of “plant immunizer” focuses on the damaged location, using the phenols, as biocides. Phenolic
enzymes transform them into lignin at the end of the biochemical pathway. he lignin, as part of
the cell walls, can bind poisonous substances to avoid damage of the plant metabolism as one way
of detoxiication (Brumer 2000: 10-24; 31-36; 217-218). he Phytoalexins as another example
are only produced de novo or are activated by the host plant when they come into contact with
pathogen (Wickens 2001: 338, 345).
A substance or enzyme in a certain plant can also alter and/or activate inactive dangerous molecules
in other herbs. his could may explain the need for combining diferent herbs, some locals, even
with unpleasant smell (which is one of plants warning signs for dangerous substances. as galbanumthe Israeli Ferula), and those that arrive from afar. Several of these blend processes accelerate and
empowered by burning, constituted psychoactive and/or hallucinogenic drugs which potentiate
the efects with incense inhalation he frankincense under similar conditions can activate in certain
path, some neurotransmitters like dopamin, serotonin, epinephrine, norepinephrine (Dannaway
2010:485-486; cf. §4.2.2). In the anointing oil, this process is slowed down.
6. Conclusions
he extensive space the Bible devotes to describe the use of incense and oil, testiies that their
usage were daily practice for various purposes as in the entire ancient world. he holy rituals
utilization was derived from the secular one where the substances exploited almost in the same
manner. he priestly sources, attempted to appropriate the use of the incense and the anointing
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oil only for praising the Lord. hey forbade the use of them for secular purposes, as they wanted
to control by the power of odors as drugs the believers’ senses and awareness. his attempt didn’t
succeed, not in the religious sense and deinitely not in its day-to-day usage.
Paleoethnobotany, as a subield of ethnobotany is concerned with elucidating human-plant
relations in the past through study of archeological plant remains (Merlin, 2003: 297-298). In
this paper I tried to explain the wide range of bioactive components which help us to understand
some of the uses of olive oil and incense plants by the ancient people in a scientiic way. hese, in
comprehension, that the biological warfare of the plant is actually utilized by us. Natural molecules
derived from plant extracts ofer a particularly exciting avenue for further research. Logical use of
botanical evidence, with the varied range of archaeological evidence, could reveal identiication of
many ethnobotanical uses of many plants. New plants extracts and oil signiicance features will be
proven to ined higher quality products by multidisciplinary cooperation.
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